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Bible Lexicons

Gesenius Hebrew Grammer

Part 69

§69. Verbs פ״י‎. First Class, or Verbs originally פ״ו‎, e.g. יָשַׁב‎ to dwell.
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 141 f.; Grundriss, p. 596 ff.

Verbs which at present begin with Yôdh when without preformatives are divided into two classes according to their origin and consequent inflexion: (a) Verbs which (as still in Arabic and Ethiopic) originally began with Wāw, e.g. יָלַד‎ to give birth to, Arab. and Eth. wălădă. In consequence of a phonetic change which prevails also with few exceptions in the noun, this Wāw in Hebrew and Aramaic always becomes a Yôdh, at least when it is the initial consonant; but after preformatives it either reappears, or is again changed into Yôdh, or, lastly, is altogether elided; (b) Verbs which (as in Arabic) originally began with Yôdh (called Verba cum Iod originario, see § 70). A few verbs again (some with original Yôdh, and some with original Wāw) form a special class, which in certain forms assimilates the Wāw or Yâdh to the following consonant on the analogy of the Nûn in verbs פ״ן‎ (see § 71).

With regard to verbs פ״ו‎ (i.e. פ״י‎ with original Wāw) it is to be noticed that—

1. In the imperfect, imperative and infinitive construct Qal there is a twofold inflexion, according as the Wāw is wholly rejected or only changed into Yôdh. The complete rejection (or elision) takes place regularly in eight verbs (see h) in the following manner:

A. Imperfect יֵשֵׁב‎, יֵדַע‎ with an unchangeable[1] Ṣere in the first syllable and original ĭ in the second, which in the tone-syllable (according to §27c) becomes ē (thus יֵלֵד‎, יֵצֵא‎, יֵלֵךְ ;יֵרֵד‎, see x), or, under the influence of a guttural, with ă in the second (יֵדַע‎, יֵקַע‎, יֵחַד‎).

The tone-long ē of the second syllable is of course liable to be shortened or to become Še, e.g. וַיֵּ֫שֶׁב‎, יֵֽשְׁבוּ‎, &c.; in the same way ă becomes Še in such cases as יֵֽדְעוּ‎, &c., but is lengthened to Qameṣ in pause (יֵדָ֫עוּ‎) and before suffixes (יֵֽדָעֵם‎).

B. Imperative שֵׁב‎ with aphaeresis of the Wāw and with tone-long ē, from ĭ, as in the imperfect.

C. Infinitive שֶׁ֫בֶת‎ from original šibh, by addition of the feminine ending (ת‎) lengthened to a segholate form; as in verbs פ״ן‎ (cf. §66b) this lengthening affords a certain compensation for loss of the initial consonant.

Rem. Since the infinitives דֵּעָה‎, לֵדָה‎ (see below, m) point to a ground-form diʿat, lidat, we must, with Philippi (ZDMG. xxxii. 42) and Barth (ibid. xli. 606), assign to שֶׁ֫בֶת‎, &c., the ground-form šibt (which, therefore, reappears in שִׁבְתִּי‎, &c.); the apparent ground-form šabt rests upon the law that the ĭ of the stem-syllable is changed into a whenever the syllable becomes doubly closed by the addition of the vowelless feminine ending. In more than half the number of verbs פ״ו‎ the original Wāw in the above-mentioned forms gives place to Yôdh, which, unless it suffers aphaeresis (see f), appears:—

in the imperatives יְצֹק‎, יְרַשׁ‎ and infinitives יְסֹד‎, יְרֹא‎, as a strong consonant, but

in the imperfect יִירַשׁ‎, properly yiyrăš, merges with the preceding ĭ into î.

In the second syllable imperfects of this form regularly have ă.

(a) That the latter forms are derived from verbs with an original Wāw (not Yôdh) is shown partly by the inflexion of these verbs in Niphʿal, Hiphʿîl, and Hophʿal (where the original Wāw reappears throughout), and partly by the Arabic, in which verbs פ״ו‎ likewise exhibit a twofold formation; cf. wălădă, imperf. yălĭdu, with elision of the Wāw, and wăǵĭlă, yauǵalu, with retention of the Wāw.

(b) Sometimes both forms, the weaker and the stronger, occur in the same verb; cf. צַק‎ 2 Kings 4:41 and יְצֹק‎ pour, Ezekiel 24:3 (cf. יִֽצְקוּ‎ 1 Kings 18:34 and the infin. צֶ֫קֶת‎ Exodus 38:27); רֵשׁ‎ take possession, Deuteronomy 1:21, 1 Kings 21:15 (but cf. s), רָשׁ‎ (in pause for רַשׁ‎) Deuteronomy 2:2431; plur. רְשׁוּ‎ Deuteronomy 1:8, Deuteronomy 9:23, but also, with ־ָה‎ paragogic, יְרָ֫שָׁה‎ Deuteronomy 33:23. In the imperfect יִיקַד‎ Deuteronomy 32:22 and יֵקַד‎ Isaiah 10:16 it shall be kindled; וַיִּיקַר‎ it was precious, 1 Samuel 18:30 and יֵקַר‎ Psalms 49:9 (cf. יֵיקַר‎ Psalms 72:14).—The form וַֽיֱּחֶמוּ‎ Genesis 30:39, for וַיֵּֽחֲמוּ‎, beside וַיֵּחַ֫מְנָה‎ verse 38, is remarkable; cf. §47k.

(c) On רַד‎ Judges 19:11 for י֖רַד‎ and שׁוֹב‎ Jeremiah 42:10 for the infinitive absolute יָשׁוֹב‎, cf. §19i.—But יְרַד‎ Judges 5:13 (twice) is not intended by the Masora either as perfect (for יָרַד‎, which really should be restored) or as imperative of יָרַד‎, but as an apocopated imperfect Piʿēl from רָדָה‎ (=יְרַדֶּה‎) to have dominion.

(d) The eight verbs,[2] of which the initial consonant in the above-mentioned forms always suffers elision or aphaeresis, are יָלַד‎ to bring forth, יָצָא‎ to go forth, יָשַׁב‎ to sit, to dwell, יָרַד‎ to descend, also הָלַךְ‎ to go (cf. below, x); and with ă in the second syllable of the imperfect, יָדַע‎ to know, יָחַד‎ to be united, יָקַע‎ to be dislocated. Examples of the other formation (יִיוַשׁ‎, &c.) are יָעֵף‎ to be wearied, יָעַץ‎ to counsel, יָשֵׁן‎ to sleep, יָרֵא‎ (imperfect יִירָא‎, imperative יְרָא‎) to fear.

2. The original Wāw is retained as a firm consonant: (a) in the infinitive, imperative, and imperfect Niphʿal, being protected by the strengthening, e.g. הִוָּשֵׁב‎, יִוָּשֵׁב‎, which are consequently strong forms like הִקָּטֵל‎, יִקָּטֵל‎; (b) in the Hithpaʿel of some verbs, e.g. הִתְוַדַּע‎ from יָדַע‎, הִתְוַכַּח‎ from יָכַח‎, הִתְוַדָּה‎ from יָדָה‎; otherwise a radical Wāw at the beginning of a word is now found only in a few nouns, e.g. וָלָד‎ off spring from יָלַד‎ to bear. At the end of a syllable Wāw with the homogeneous vowel ŭ coalesces into ǔ; so throughout Hophʿal, e.g. הוּשַׁב‎ for hŭwšabh; but with a preceding a the Wāw is contracted into ô (וֹ‎); so in the perfect and participle Niphʿal and throughout Hiphʿîl, e.g. נוֹשַׁב‎ from an original năwšăbh, הוֹשִׁיב‎ from an original hăwšîbh.

The first radical always appears as Yôdh in the perfect and participle Qal, יָשַׁב‎, &c., ישֵׁב‎, יָשׁוּב‎, even when וְ‎ precedes, e.g. וְיָשַׁב‎ (but וִיֽשַׁבְתֶּם‎, according to §24b), also throughout Piʿēl and Puʿal, e.g. יִחֵל‎ to wait, יֻלַּד‎ to be born, and in the imperfect and participle יְיַחֵל‎, מְיֻדָּע‎ known (from יָדַע‎), and, as a rule, also in Hithpaʿel, e.g. הִתְיַלֵּד‎, הִתְיַצֵּב‎, הִתְיַחֵשׂ‎ (as against הִתְוַדַּע‎, &c., with Wāw).

The beginner may recognize verbs פ״ו‎ in the imperfect Qal partly by the Ṣere under the preformatives; in Niphʿal and Hiphʿîl by the Wāw (ו‎, וֹ‎) before the second radical. (The defective writing, as in הֹלִיד‎, is rare.) Verbs פ״ו‎ have forms like (דַּע) שֵׁב‎, שֶׁ֫בֶת‎, in common with verbs פ״ן‎. Similarly Hophʿal has the same form as in verbs ע״ע‎ and ע״וּ‎.

Rem. 1. The infinitive Qal of the weaker form (שֶׁ֫בֵת‎, ground-form šibt, רֶ֫שֶׁת‎; cf. above, c) with suffixes is pointed as שִׁבְתִּי‎,[3] רִשְׁתּוֹ‎ (the strong form only in לְיָרְשֵׁ֫נוּ‎ Judges 14:15). The masculine form is very rare, e.g. דֵּעַ‎ to know, Job 32:610, as also the feminine ending ־ָה‎, e.g. דֵּעָ֫ה‎[4] Exodus 2:4, לֵדָ֫ה‎ Isaiah 37:3 (2 Kings 19:3); Jeremiah 13:21, Hosea 9:11; מֵֽרְדָה‎2 to descend, Genesis 46:3, where the change of the ē into vocal Še is to be explained, with König, from its position between the principal and secondary tone. From יָדַע‎, under the influence of the guttural, דַּ֫עַת‎ is formed, with suff. דַּעְתִּי‎, &c.; but from יצא‎, צֵאת‎. From יָרַד‎ there occurs in Psalms 30:4 in Qe מִיָּרְדִי‎ (the Keth. requires מִיּֽוֹרְדֵי‎) a very remarkable case of the strong form (for מֵֽרִדְתִּי‎). For לַת‎ 1 Samuel 4:19 (generally explained as a case of assimilation of ד‎ to ת‎ in the supposed ground-form ladt; according to Mayer Lambert pausal of לֵת‎=lidt, see above, c) read simply לֶ֫דֶת‎.

Examples of the strong form of the infinitive are יְרֹא‎ to fear, Joshua 22:25, with preposition לִיסֹד‎ Isaiah 51:16 (but 2 Chronicles 31:7 according to Ben Naphtali לִיסֹּד‎, where the י‎ is only retained orthographically, but is really assimilated to the ס‎; the reading of Ben Asher, לְיִסּוֹד‎, accepted by Baer, is meaningless); לִישׁוֹן‎ Ecclesiastes 5:11; לֵרֹא‎ 1 Samuel 18:29 is irregular, but probably לִרֹא‎ (for לִירֹא‎) is intended. With suff.. בְּיָסְדִי‎ Job 38:4, cf. Judges 14:15, Ezra 3:12; with ת‎ fem. יְכֹ֫לֶת‎ to be able, Numbers 14:16. On יְב֫שֶׁת‎, which is likewise usually referred to this class, cf. the note on §70a. 2. The imperative Qal frequently has the lengthening by ־ָה‎, e.g. שְׁבָה‎ sit thou, רְדָה‎ descend thou. From יָהַב‎ to give, Arab. wăhăbă, only the imperative is used in Hebrew; it has the form הַב‎ give, lengthened תָ֫בָה‎ generally with the meaning age, go to, hence in Genesis 11:34 even addressed to several persons (Genesis 29:21 הָבָ֫ה‎ before א‎ to avoid the hiatus); fem. הָבִי‎ Ruth 3:15, Milraʿ on the analogy of the plural הָב֫וּ‎ (once in Job 6:22 הָ֫בוּ‎ before the tone-syllable; but cf. Deuteronomy 32:3), whilst, on the analogy of other imperatives Qal of verbs פ״ו‎, הֲבִי‎, הֲבוּ‎ would be expected.—On דְּעֶה‎ Proverbs 24:14, cf. §48l.

3. The imperfect with ו‎ elided takes ă in the second syllable, besides the cases mentioned above (under f), also in תֵּרַד‎ Jeremiah 13:17 (cf. Lamentations 3:48) and in the pausal form יֵלַךְ‎ Job 27:21, &c. (from הָלַךְ‎, see x); on יֵקַד‎ Isaiah 10:16 see above, f. The ă in the second syllable, when followed by the afformative נָה‎ (תֵּרַ֫דְנָה‎ &c.), is in accordance with the law mentioned above (under c), by which ă takes the place of ĭ in a doubly closed syllable. Forms with ē in the second syllable shorten the ē to Seghôl, when the tone is drawn back (before a tone-syllable or after wāw consecutive), e.g. יֵֽשֶׁב־נָא‎ Genesis 44:33; וַיֵּ֫רֶד‎, וַיּ֫שֶׁב‎; but ē is retained in an open syllable, even with Milʿel-tone, in יֵ֫צֵא‎ Exodus 16:29, Judges 9:39, in both cases with nasog ʾaḥor, §29e. The pausal is either of the form וַיֵּשֵׁב‎ Ruth 4:1 or וַיֵּרַ֑ד‎ Psalms 18:10; the 1st pers. sing., whether in or out of pause, is וָֽאֵרֵד‎, וָֽאֵלֵד‎ &c., except וָֽאֵלַ֑ךְ‎ Job 19:10, see x.—For יְיֵדָֽע‎ Psalms 138:6 (cf. the note above, on b and the analogous cases in §70d) יֵידָֽע‎ is intended.

The imperfect of the form יִירַשׁ‎ is frequently (especially before afformatives) written defectively, in which case the î can always be recognized as a long vowel by the Metheg (see §16f), e.g. יִֽעֲפוּ‎ Isaiah 40:30, יִֽגְעוּ‎ Isaiah 65:23; and so always יִֽרְאוּ‎ they fear, as distinguished from יִרְאוּ‎ they see (imperf. Qal of רָאָה‎).—On וַיִּ֫ישֶׂם‎ Genesis 50:26, Genesis 24:33 Keth, and יִיסָךְ‎ Exodus 30:32, see §73f.

From יָכֹל‎ to prevail, to be able, the imperfect Qal is יוּכַל‎, which can only have arisen through a depression of the vowel from יוֹכַל‎ (ground-form yaukhal=yawkhal), to distinguish it, according to Qimḥi, from אוֹכַל‎, just as, according to §47b, אֶקְטֹל‎ is differentiated from יִקְטֹל‎. Cf. the Arabic yauruʿu (yôruʿu) from waruʿa, yauǵalu (yôǵalu) from waǵila, as also the vulgar Arabic (among towns-people) yûṣal, &c., from waṣala. Others regard יוּכַל‎ as an imperfect Hophʿal (he is enabled=he can), always used instead of the imperfect Qal; cf., however, §53u.—וַתּוּכָֽל‎ occurs in Jeremiah 3:5 as 2nd sing. fem. for וַתּוּכָֽלִי‎, according to König because the 2nd fem. had been sufficiently indicated previously.—Further יוֹרֶה‎ or יֹרֶה‎ is to be regarded with M. Lambert (REJ. xxxvii, no. 73) as impf. Qal (not Hiphʿil) of יָרָה‎ to throw, shoot (the supposed impf. Qal וַנִּירָם‎ Numbers 21:30 is critically very doubtful). This is shown especially by the passages in which the impf. יוֹרֶהּ‎ is immediately preceded by the imperat. Qal (2 Kings 13:17) or infin. Qal (Psalms 64:5), or is followed by the participle Qal (2 Chronicles 35:23; but in 2 Samuel 11:24 by the participle Hiphʿil).

4. The attenuation of ă to ĭ in the perfect (in a toneless, closed syllable) which is discussed in §44d (cf. §64f) occurs in verbs פ״ו‎ in a few forms of יָלַד‎ Numbers 11:12, Jeremiah 2:27, Psalms 2:7, &c. (always after יְ‎), as well as of יָרַשׁ‎, e.g. וִֽירִשְׁתֶּם‎, &c., Deuteronomy 4:1, Deuteronomy 8:1, Deuteronomy 17:14, Deuteronomy 19:1, Deuteronomy 26:1, Deuteronomy 31:3 (always after וִי‎ for וְיְ‎). In both cases the attenuation might be explained from the tendency to assimilate the vowels, especially if the initial יְ‎ was pronounced, as in Syriac, like i (§47b). In the case of יָרַשׁ‎, however, a secondary form יַרֵשׁ‎ (cf. §44d) is probably to be assumed, since in Arabic also the verb is wărĭṯă. The forms וִֽירֵשׁ֫וּךָ‎ Ezekiel 36:12 and וִֽירֵשׁ֫וּהָ‎ Psalms 69:36, &c., are most simply explained from the return of this ĭ.

5. As an exception, the imperfect Niphʿal sometimes has a י‎ instead of the ו‎, e.g. וַיִּיָּ֫חֶל‎ and he stayed, Genesis 8:12 (unless the Piʿēl or וַיָּחֶל‎, as in ver. 10, is to be read), cf. Exodus 19:13; 1 Samuel 13:8 Kethîbh.—The first person always has the form אִוָּשֵׁב‎, not אֶוָּשֵׁב‎, cf. §51p.—In the participle the plural נוּגֵי‎ (from יָגָה‎, with depression of ô to û, cf. §27n) is found in Zephaniah 3:18; cf. Lamentations 1:4. While in these cases some doubt may be felt as to the correctness of the Masoretic pointing, much more is this so in the perfect נוּלְּדוּ‎ nulledhû, 1 Chronicles 3:5, 1 Chronicles 20:8, for נֽוֹלְדוּ‎ which appears to be required by the wāw in the initial syllable.

6. In the imperfect Piʿēl elision of the first radical (י‎) sometimes takes place after wāw consec. (as in the case of א‎, §68k), e.g. וַיַּגֶּה‎ for וַיְיַגֶּה‎ and he has grieved, Lamentations 3:33, וַיַּדּוּ‎ for וַיְיַדּוּ‎ and they have cast, verse 53, from ידה‎, which may also be a true verb פ״י‎ (on the other hand, in יַדּוּ גוֹרָל‎ they have east lots, Joel 4:3, Obadiah 1:11, Nahum 3:10, a perfect Qal of יָדַד‎ is required by the context; but as this, being a transitive perfect, ought to have the form יָֽדְדוּ‎ according to §67a, perhaps we should read יִדּוּ‎). So from a verb פ״י‎, of the second class, וַיַּבְּשֵׁ֫הוּ‎ for וַיְיַבְּשֵׁ֫הוּ‎ and he made it dry, Nahum 1:4; cf. וַיַּשְּׁרֵם‎ 2 Chronicles 32:30 Qe (the Keth. points either to Piʿēl וַיְיַשְּׁרֵם‎ or Hiphʿîl וַיַּיְשִׁרֵם‎).

7. The imperative Hiphʿîl, instead of the usual form הוֹשֵב‎, sometimes has î in the second syllable; הוֹצִיא‎ Isaiah 43:8; הוֹפִיעַ‎ Psalms 94:1 (before ה‎, hence probably a mere mistake for הוֹפִ֫יעָה‎). On the uncertainty of the tone in הוֹשִׁיעָה־נָּא‎ see §53m. When closed by a guttural the second syllable generally has ă, as הוֹדַע‎, הוֹשַׁע‎, cf. also הֹקַר‎ Proverbs 25:17 (as in the infin. constr. הוֹכַח‎ Job 6:26; see §65f). On the other hand, î always appears when the syllable is open, thus הוֹשִׁ֫יבָה‎, הוֹשִׁ֫יבִי‎, and so also before suffixes (§61g). הַיְצֵא‎ Genesis 8:17 Qe (Keth. הוֹצֵא‎, see §70b) is irregular.—The jussive and the imperfect consecutive Hiphʿîl when the tone is drawn back take Seghôl in the second syllable, as in Qal, e.g. י֫וֹסֶף‎ that he may increase, Proverbs 1:5, before לֶ֫קַח‎; cf. Exodus 10:28 and Deuteronomy 3:26 after אַל־‎; וַיֹּ֫סֶף‎ (תּ֫וֹסְףְּ‎ Proverbs 30:6 is anomalous); in pause, however, also תּוֹסַף‎ as jussive, Job 40:32 (usual jussive in pause יוֹשֵׁב‎, &c., which occurs even without the pause after wāw consecutive, Genesis 47:11, Joshua 24:3, 2 Samuel 8:4, &c.). With a final guttural יֹדַ֫ע‎ and יוֹכַ֫ח‎ (jussive) and וַיּוֹכַה‎ &c.; with a final ר‎ in pause וַתֹּתַֽר‎ Ruth 2:14: on וְישַֽׁעֲכֶם‎ Isaiah 35:4, cf. §65f).—On forms like יְהוֹשִׁיעַ‎, see §53q.

In Hophʿal ô stands instead of וּ‎, in הוֹדַע‎ (for הוּדַע‎) Leviticus 4:2328, הֹגָה‎ 2 Samuel 20:13, and perhaps in יוֹרֶא‎ (for יוּרֶה‎) Proverbs 11:25; but cf. Delitzsch on the passage.—Ptcp. מוּדַ֫עַת‎ Isaiah 12:5 Qere (מְיֻדַּ֫עַת‎ Keth).—An infinitive Hophʿal with feminine ending occurs in הֻלֶּ֫דֶת‎ Genesis 40:20, for הֻלֶ֫דֶת‎=הוּל׳‎; cf. above, t, on נוּלְּדוּ‎, and § 71 at the end.

8. The verb הָלַךְ‎ to go, also belongs in some respects to the פ״ו‎ class, since it forms (as if from וָלַךְ‎) imperfect יֵלֵךְ‎, with wāw consecutive וַיֵּ֫לֶךְ‎ (in pause וַיֵּלַֽךְ‎ Genesis 24:61, &c.), 1st sing. וָֽאֵלֵךְ‎ (but in Job 19:10 וָֽאֵלַ֑ךְֹ‎); infinitive construct לֶ֫כֶת‎ with suff. לֶכְתִּי‎ (Seghôl under the influence of the following palatal, as in נֶכְדִּי‎, cf. also נֶגְדִּי‎); imperative לֵךְ‎, לֶךְ־‎, in the lengthened form לְכָה‎ (as an interjection referring even to a feminine, Genesis 19:32, or a plural, Genesis 31:44) and לְךָ‎ (Numbers 23:13, Judges 19:13, 2 Chronicles 25:17); Hiph. הוֹלִיךְ‎ (also in Exodus 2:9 הוֹלִ֫יכִי‎ 2nd fem. imperative is to be read for הֵילִ֫יכִי‎, which probably arose merely through confusion with the following הֵינִקִ֫הוּ‎); imperfect יוֹלִיךְ‎, but in the 1st sing. of the imperfect consecutive always וָֽאוֹלֵךְ‎ Leviticus 26:13, Amos 2:10, &c. Rarely, and almost exclusively late or in poetry, the regular inflexions of הָלַךְ‎ are also found: imperf. יַֽהֲלֹךְ‎ (Psalms 58:9, &c.; but תִּֽהֲלַךְ‎ Exodus 9:23, Psalms 73:9; cf. §64a and h); אֶֽהֱלֹךְ‎ Job 16:22, also Mêšaʿ inscription, line 14, אהלך‎; infin. הֲלֹךְ‎ (Exodus 3:19, Numbers 22:13 f.16,[5] Ecclesiastes 6:89); imperative plur. הִלְכוּ‎ Jeremiah 51:50. On the other hand, the perfect Qal is always הָלַךְ‎, participle הֹלֵךְ‎, infinitive absolute הָלוֹךְ‎, Niphʿal נֶֽהֱלַךְ‎, Piʿēl הִלֵּךְ‎, Hithpaʿēl הִתְהַלֵּךְ‎, so that a י‎ never arrears unmistakably as the first radical. The usual explanation of the above forms is nevertheless based on a supposed obsolete יָלַךְ‎. It is, however, more correct to regard the apparent פ״ו‎ forms of הלך‎ with Praetorius (ZAW. ii. 310 ff.) as originating with the Hiphʿîl, of which the ground-form hahlîkh became hâlîkh, and this again, on the analogy of the imperfect Qal of verbs פ״א‎, hôlîkh. This hôlîkh being referred to a supposed haulîkh (properly hawlîkh) gave rise to new formations after the manner of verbs פ״ו‎.

Footnotes:
  1. The e of the first syllable is really ê, not tone-long ē, since it is retained not merely before the tone, and in the counter-tone (e.g. וְיֵדָֽעֵם‎ Hosea 14:10), but also in אֵדָֽעֲךָ‎ Exodus 33:1317. It is no objection to this view that the scriptio plena of this ê occurs (with the exception of יֵיקַר‎ Psalms 72:14, elsewhere pointed יִיקַר‎) only in Micah 1:8 and Ezekiel 35:9 Keth.; in Psalms 138:6 the Masora prefers to point יְיֵדָע‎.—Of the various explanations of the ê the most satisfactory is that of Philippi (ZDMG. xl. p. 653) that an original yălĭd, for example (see above), became yilid by assimilation of the vowel of the first syllable to that of the second; this then became yêlēd instead of yēlēd, in an attempt to raise the word again in this way (by writing ê instead of ē) to a triliteral form.
  2. A ninth יָסַף‎ to add, is also to be included. In the Mêšaʿ-inscription, l. 21, the infinitive is written לספת‎ (cf. יספתי‎, l. 29); hence read in Isaiah 30:1 (Numbers 32:14, Deuteronomy 29:18) סֶ֫פֶת‎ for סְפוֹת‎. The 2nd plur. masc. imperative סְפוּ‎ Isaiah 29:1, Jeremiah 7:21 corresponds to שְׁבוּ‎; thus in proof of a supposed סָפָה‎ addere, there remains only אַסְפֶּה‎ Deuteronomy 32:23, for which, according to 2 Samuel 12:8, read אֹסִ֫פָה‎.
  3. וְשַׁבְתִּי‎ Psalms 23:6 can hardly be intended for an infin. with suffix from יָשַׁב‎, but rather for a perf. consec. from שׁוּב‎; but read וְיָֽשַׁבְתִּי‎.
  4. The infinitives דֵּעָה‎ and רְדָה‎ belong to the source marked E (Dillmann’s B) in the modern criticism of the Pentateuch. The same document also has נְתֹן‎ to give, for תֵּת‎; הֲלֹךְ‎ to go, for לֶ֫כֶת‎; and עֲשׂה‎ to make, for עֲשׂוֹת‎. See Dillmann, Die BB. Num., Deut., Jos., p. 618.
  5. Cf. above, m, note 2.
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