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Historical Writings

Ussher's "The Annals of the World"

The Sixth Age: 50 BC - 26 BC

3954 AM, 4664 JP, 50 BC
  1. When L. Emilius. Paulus and C. Claudius Marcellus were consuls, the senate at Rome decreed a parade for Cicero, because he had conquered in Cilicia (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 11., l.8. epist. 11., l.13. epist. 5,6, 13., ad Attic. l.7. epist. 1.)
  2. When C. Cassius, who had been M. Crassus' treasurer was about to leave after the Parthian war from Syria, he commended M. Fabius to Cicero who was then at Laodicea. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.9. epist. 25. & l.15. epist. 14.) Cicero wrote back and congratulated him for the greatness of the actions and his timing on leaving for he left the province while he was greatly favoured and held in high esteem. Cicero advised him to hurry to Rome because of his recent victory and his arrival would be very well received.
  3. Cicero commended to Quintus Thermus, the praetor of Asia, his lieutenant, M. Anneius, whose wisdom, virtue, and fidelity he had proven in the war in Cilicia. Thermus was to go to settle a dispute he had with the Sardinians and desired Anneius that might be sent back before the month of May, when he intended to go into Cilicia. [??] (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.13. epist. 55. 57.)
  4. P. Cornelius Dolabella, who a little latter was married to Tullia, the daughter of Cicero, was accused of treason and bribery for his office. Appius Claudius Pulcher, demanded a triumph at Rome for the good work he had done in Cilicia. As soon as Dolabella came before the tribunal, Appius entered the city and laid aside his demand of a triumph. Finally Q. Hortensius and M. Brutus defended him and he was acquitted for each crime. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.8. epist. 13,16., l.3. epist. 10. 11,12, ad Attic. l.6., de claris Oratoribus.)
  5. The cavalry men that were left by Gabinius in Italy, killed two sons of M. Bibulus, the proconsul. (Caesar. Civil War, l.3.; Valerius Maximus, l.4. c.1.) Cleopatra, the queen, sent the murderers in bonds to Bibulus so that he might punish the murderers as he wished. He soon sent them back to Cleopatra without harming them and said that the authority of punishing them belonged to the senate and not to him. (Valerius Maximus, l.4. c.1.; Seneca, ad Marcian)
  6. Cicero thought of going into Cilicia, on the seventh of May. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 13., ad Attic. l.6. epist. 2.) However he did not come to the Taurus Mountains before the fifth of June, [Julian April 2nd] Many things troubled him. There was a great war in Syria and many robberies in Cilicia. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.6. epist. 4.)
  7. He went from there and when he camped by the Pyramus River, Q. Servilius sent him letters from Taurus that were written from Appius Claudius Pulcher. They were dated at Rome the fifth of April [Julian February, 1st] and he wrote that he had been cleared of the charge of treason. (Cicero, Letters to his Fiends, l.3. epist. 11.)
  8. Syria was in a turmoil with the Parthian war and there was great fear at Antioch. In spite of the sorrow for the murder of his sons, Bibulus managed the war. Although there were great hopes of having Cicero and his army help, yet it is said that Bibulus stated that he would rather endure anything than get help from Cicero. Hence, he wrote to Thermus, the praetor of Asia about the Parthian war and he never wrote to Cicero even though he knew that the greatest part of the danger of the war belonged to him. Notwithstanding, his lieutenants sent letters to Cicero that he should come and help them. (Cicero, Letters to Friends, l.3. epist. 17., ad Attic. l.6. epist. 5.)
  9. Although Cicero's own army was weak, he had good auxiliaries from the Galatians, Pisidians and Lycians. He thought it his duty to have his army as near as he could to the enemy as long as he should command in that province according to the decree of the senate. Since the term of his office lasted only a year and was almost expired, he agreed with Dejotarus that the king should be in his camp with all his forces. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.6. epist. 1., 5.) Cicero, in his 11th Philippic, said about Dejotarus: "I and Bibulus were both captains general in near and neighbouring provinces. Often we were both helped by that king with cavalry and foot soldiers."
  10. The Parthians kept Bibulus besieged. (Caesar, Civil War, l.2.) As long as the Parthians were in the province, he stayed within the extremely well fortified town and with his men. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 19.) He never set foot out of the town as long as the Parthians were on this side of the Euphrates River. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.6. epist. 8., l.7. epist. (2).)
  11. The Parthians left Bibulus only half alive. (Cicero, ad Attic. l.7. epist. 2.) By an incredible stroke of good luck left (Cicero, ad Attic., l.6. epist. 6., l.7. epist. 1., Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 17.) for Bibulus had set the Parthians at odds with one another. He befriended with Ornodophantes, who was a noble man and an enemy of Orodes. He persuaded him by messengers who went between them that he should make Pacorus the king and that with his help he should make war on Orodes. (Dio, l.40.)
  12. Bibulus, in his letter he wrote to the senate concerning the things that he had done stated that the things that he and Cicero had done together, he claimed he had done alone by himself. He said the things Cicero had done alone were done by both of them together. Cicero complained of this in a letter that he wrote to Salust, his treasurer. (Cicero, Letter to his Friends, l.2. epist. 17.) He also notes as a mark of a poor, malicious and vain spirit that he attributed not to Ariobarzanes the king but to his son [whom the senate called king and commended him to Cicero.] When he that had done no great deeds tried to obtain a triumph, Cicero also thought it would be a disgrace to him not to obtain the same. Bibulus' army had their hopes in Cicero's army. Cicero also by the advise of his friends, began to think of a triumph. (Cicero, ad Attic, l. 6. epist. 7,8., l.7. epist. 2.)
  13. After the danger of the Parthians was gone, Cicero withdrew all the garrisons, which were good and strong that he had provided for Apamea and other places. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 17.)
  14. About two days before August [??] [Julian May 26th], Cicero's term of office was almost over since it only lasted for a year. Someone had to replace him when he left according to the decree of the senate. Cicero wanted C. Caelius Caldus to take over the government of the province which was now freed from the fear of the Parthian war. He was recently sent to him from Rome to be his treasurer, [in the place of Cn. Volusius] and was a noble young gentleman indeed but one that lacked gravity and self control. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. (15)., 19., ad Attic., l.6. epist. 4., 6.)
  15. The 3rd of August, [Julian May 29th] when his annual command had expired, Cicero sailed to Sida, a city of Pamphilia. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.3. epist. 12.) From there, he went to Laodice, the farthest bound of the province. At this place he ordered his treasurer, Messinius to wait for him that he might leave his accounts according to the Julian law in the province in the two cities of Laodicea and Apamea. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.6. epist. 7., Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 7., l.5. epist. 20.) Cicero had not taken a penny of the plunder from Mount Amanus, but left it all as also he did his yearly salary which was given to him. It amounted to 1000 sestertia and was put into the treasury. [His cohort grumbled at this who thought it ought to be distributed among them.] He took security also of all the public money at Laodicea that it might be safely returned to him and the people without any danger of loss. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.7. epist. 1., Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 17.)
  16. When the senate had received Bibulus' letters, Cato persuaded the senate to decree to hold a very large parade lasting 20 days for M. Bibulus. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.7. epist. 2,3.) The legions were detained which the senate had decreed should be sent into Syria by Marius [who was to succeed Salust in the office of treasurer.] The province was now freed from the fear of the Parthian war. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 17.) The senate decreed that there should be sent to Bibulus for the Parthian war, one legion from C. Pompey and another from Julius Caesar. Pompey did not give any of the legions that he had with him. However, he commanded the commissioners of that business that they should demand that legion from Caesar that he had lent Caesar. Caesar, although he made no doubt but that his adversaries intended that he should be left without any legions, sent back to Pompey his legion and also gave another from his own number that he might satisfy the decree of the senate. Therefore these two legions were furnished, as though they were to be sent against the Parthians. However since there was no need of them for that war, the consul Marcellus feared that they should be again restored to Caesar and kept them in Italy and gave them to Pompey. Although Caesar knew well enough why these things happened, he determined to endure all things because he saw here was offered him no absurd pretence of keeping those legions by him that he had already and of raising more. (Caesar. Civil War, l.1.; Hirtius, The War in Gaul, l.8.; Plutarch, in Pompey; Dio, l.40. fin)
  17. Cicero persuaded Q. Thermus, the praetor, who was to depart from Asia that he would leave a noble young gentleman, his treasurer, governor of that province. His name was C. Antonius as Pighius showed in his annals. (Pighius, Annals, Tom. 3. p. 431.; Cicero. Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 18.)
  18. Cicero gave the publicans at Ephesus all the money which lawfully came to him there, which was 22,000 sestertiums (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.5. epist. 20.) He was greatly hindered by the easterly winds and on the first of October [Julian July 25th] he sailed from Ephesus (Cicero, ad Attic., l.6. epist. 8.) and landed at Rhodes (Plutarch, in Cicero) for his children's sake. (Cicero, ad Attic. l.6. epist. 7., Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 17.) There he heard of Hortensius' death. (Cicero, Brutus [init] or, de claris oratoribus.)
  19. With the winds against him, Cicero, on the 14th of October, [Julian August 7th] came to Athens. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.14. epist. 5., ad Attic., l.6. epist. 9.)
  20. As the civilwar between Caesar and Pompey approached, a little after sunrise, [Julian August 21st] the sun was eclipsed almost two digits [about 17%]. Pertronius seems to refer to this in the signs of this war: For blondy Sol appeared with visage like to death, Thou'dst think the civilwars just then began to breathe.
  21. Bibulus departed from Asia on December 9th [Julian October 1st]. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.7. epist. 8.)
3955 AM, 4664 JP, 50 BC
  1. On the first of January, [Julian October 22nd] when C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Cornelius assumed the office of consuls, the senate decreed that Caesar should dismiss his army before a certain day, and if he did not that this action would be assumed to be against the state. M. Antony and Q. Cassius, the tribunes of the people had in vain interceded against this decree. This was the beginning of the civilwar between Caesar and Pompey. (Caesar, Civil War, l.1.; Cicero, in Philippic. 2.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.9.; Dio. l.41, init.)
  2. On January 4th, [Julian October 25th] Cicero came to the city. He was given such a welcome that nothing could be more honourable. This happened just before the civilwar. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.16. epist. 11.) He did not enter the city. Amid these troubles, a packed senate earnestly demanded a triumph for him. Lentulus, the consul, that he might make Cicero's honour seem the greater, deferred this request. (Cicero. at Attic., l.7. epist. 1.) Since the senate decreed a triumph for him, Cicero said that he had rather if there were a peace made, to follow Caesar's chariot. (Plutarch, in Cicero) However, the discord increased and neither Bibulus or Cicero ever received a triumph. (Cicero, at Attic., l.9. epist. 2., 6., l.11. epist. 6.)
  3. On January 7th, [Julian October 28th] the senate decreed that the consuls, praetors, tribunes of the people, and all proconsuls that were in the city, [among whom Cicero was one] should do their utmost so that the state would not be harmed. Immediately, the tribunes of the people, who had interceded against that decree of the senate, fled from the city and went to Caesar. (Caesar, Civil War, l.1.; Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.16. epist. 11.; Dio, l.41.)
  4. In the next day when the senate convened outside the city and Pompey was also present, the provinces were assigned to private men, two of them were for the consuls, the rest the praetors had. Syria was given to Scipio. (Caesar, Civil War, l.1) Metellus Scipio had married Caesar's daughter Cornelia, the widow of Publius Crassus who was slain by the Parthians. He shared Syria with Pompey this year, [that is two years before Pompey was killed] and had been his colleague three years before in the consulship. (Plutarch, in Pompey; Dio, l.40.) Sextius or Sestius, succeeded Cicero in the province of Cilicia. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.5. epist. (20)., cf. ad Attic. l.11. epist. 7.) He was sent as the first quaester, with praetorian authority to Cyprus, which was after this was distinct from Cilicia. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.13. epist. 48.) The three governments of Asia [Cybyra, Synnada and Apemea] were taken from the province of Cilicia and were given to the new proconsul of Asia, P. Servilius Sigonius. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.13. epist. 67.; Cicero, de antiquo jure provinciarum, l.1. c.11.)
  5. On the same day, seven days before March, [Julian December 11th] on which the Feralia was celebrated, [as we may see in the inscriptions of Gruterus, p. 133.] Caesar came from Corsinium to Brundusium in the afternoon and Pompey came from Canusium in the morning. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.8. epist. 22. & l.9. epist. 2.) when autumn was already past. (Dio, l.41.)
  6. Pompey sent his father-in-law, Scipio and his son Sceus, from Brundusium to Syria to raise a fleet. (Plutarch, in Pompey) In a letter Cicero (Cicero, ad Attic., l.9. epist. 1.) wrote on March 6th, [Julian December 23rd] he stated that Scipio went into Syria, either according as his lot fell or for the honour of his son-in-law or he fled from an angry Caesar.
  7. On March 9th, [Julian December 26th] Caesar came to Brundusium and camped before its walls as he wrote in a letter to Oppius and Cornelius Balbus. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.9. epist. 16.)
  8. On March 16th, [Julian January 3rd] [according to (Cicero, ad Attic., l.9. epist. 10.) not three days before March as it is in Lipsius in the 31st epistle of the century to the Germans and Frenchmen] when the Liberalia was celebrated. [This appears in the marble records in Gruter's inscriptions, p. 133.] Pompey sailed from Brundusium with all the forces that he had to Epirus which was the very day of the Liberalia or Dionysia. Pompey's sons were defeated in Spain at the battle of Munda, four years later that their father was said to go to the war. (Plutarch, in Caesar) This was the same day when Pompey, their father, left Italy and made the centre of the civilwar in Greece. It was not that he fled from the city to make war, as mistakenly written by Orosius. (Orosius, l.6. c.16.)
  9. The next day Caesar entered Brundusium and made a speech and marched toward Rome. He wanted to be at the city before the first of the next month. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.9. epist. 18.)
  10. From there, Caesar sent Aristobulus to his own country of Palestine that he might do something against Pompey. (Dio, l.41.) Josephus stated that Caesar sent Aristobulus after freeing him from prison to go into Syria. He gave him two legions that he might the more easily keep the province in order. Both of their plans were thwarted. Aristobulus was poisoned by Pompey's side and he was buried by Caesar's side. (Josephus, Wars, l,1. c.7. Antiq. l.14. c. 13.)
  11. Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, was beheaded at Antioch by Scipio according to Pompey's letters. He was first publicly accused of what he had done against the Romans. However, Ptolemy Mannaeus, the governor of Chalcis which was located in Libanus Mountain, had sent his son, Philippio, to Ascalon to the wife of Aristobulus. He sent for her son Antigonus and her two daughters. The youngest daughter was called Alexandra and Philippio fell in love with her and married her. (Josephus, Wars, l,1. c.7. Antiq. l.14. c.13.) Pompey had a year to raise forces in. Since he was free from war and as his enemy was not active, he assembled a large fleet from Asia, the Cyclades Islands, Corcyra, Athens, Pontus, Bithynia, Syria, Cilicia, Phoenice and Egypt. He took care that a large navy should be built in all places and he exacted also large sums of money from Asia, Syria, and all kings, governors, tetrarchs and the free people of Achaia. He forced those provinces which were allocated to him, to pay him large sums of money. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.) It is reported that 60 ships were sent to him from Egypt from Cleopatra and Ptolemy who were then but a child king and queen of Egypt. He had also auxiliaries from Ionia, archers from Crete, javelin throwers from Pontus and cavalry from Galatia. Commagenians were sent from Antiochus, Cilicians and Cappadocians and some from Armenia the less. The Pamphilians and Pisidians also came to him. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 458,472.)
  12. M. Cato was sent into Asia by Pompey, to help those who gathered the fleet and soldiers. He took along with him his sister, Servilia, and a son that Lucullus had by her. After he had persuaded the Rhodians to be on Pompey's side, he left Servilia and her son with them and returned to Pompey. He was well furnished with very strong land and naval forces. (Plutarch, in Cato the Younger) Pompey planned to make war in the whole world by sea and land and to stir up barbarous kings and to bring armed cruel nations into Italy. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.8, epist. 11.)
  13. Pompey also tried to draw to his side, Orodes, the king of the Parthians. Although after the death of Crassus, Pompey was reckoned an enemy. Orodes promised him his help if Syria might be given to him. Pompey did not grant him Syria, so he brought no forces (Dio, l.41.) although otherwise the Parthians were on Pompey's side. They favoured him because of the friendship they had made in the Mithridatic war and also after the death of Crassus they heard that his son was on Caesar's side. They knew his son would revenge his father's death if Caesar won the war. (Justin, l.42. c.4.)
  14. Pompey used a large fleet which he had provided from Alexandria, Colchis, Tyre, Sidon, Andros, [or rather Arados] Cyprus, Pamphilia, Lycia, Rhodes, Byzantium, Lesbos, Smyrna, Miletum, and Cos. They were to intercept the provisions from Italy, and to seize the provinces from where the grain came from. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.9. epist. 11.)
  15. Pompey's son was the admiral of the Egyptian fleet. Over the Asiatic fleet were D. Laebius and C. Triarius. Over the Syrian fleet was C. Cassius. Over the Rhodian fleet was C. Marcellus. C. Pomponius commanded the light ships. The Achian fleet was under Scribonius Libo and M. Octavian. Over all the naval forces was M. Bibulus, the chief admiral. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
3956 AM, 4665 JP, 49 BC
  1. Julius Caesar was made dictator. After eleven days, he and Servilius Isauticus were declared consuls and Caesar resigned his dictatorship. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3. init.; Plutarch, in Caesar; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 457.)
  2. From this first dictatorship of Caesar, the Macedonians of Syria began their reckoning of the time of the Caesars [of which there is mention made in an old stone, in the inscription of Gruter, p. 277.] This was the 24th of the Julian September, [on which we have shown in another place, that the solar year of the Macedonians began.] From that day, not only the Macedonian but also the Roman Emperors began their indictions or the cycle of 15 years. The Antiochians' reckon the same way, [which was divided by 15 and always shows the indictions of the emperors] although the form of the year was later changed and the Macedonian months made to conform to the Italian ones. The Antiochians refer the beginning of their period and the rest of the Eastern people, the beginning of their indictions, to the beginning of their new year, and have moved it from the 24th of September to the first of September. Whatever is said concerning the original of the indictions, [which they commonly refer to the times of Constantine] it ought to be without controversy, that the start of the Antiochian period is to be determined from the September of the Julian year 4665 or 49 BC.
  3. In the end of the year when Marcellus and Lentulus were consuls, Pompey was made general of the Romans and the senate which was with him in Ephesus, bestowed honours on kings and people that had earned them. Lucan mentions: (Lucan, l.5.) Phoebus sea-powerful Rhodes reward was, And Spartans rough, praised were the Athenian Phocis made free where Massylians: Faithful Dejotarus, young Sadalis, The valiant Cotys and Rhasipolis Of Macedonia were praised: Juba to thee The senate gives all Libya by decree.
  4. By the same way, Lucan affirms that the kingdom of Egypt was at this time confirmed to Ptolemy who was but a child. Those words refer to Pothinus, the governor of Ptolemy, concerning Pompey, Lucan (Lucan, l.8.) mentions: ---The senate gave to me The sceptre when persuaded to it by thee.
  5. About the winter solstice, Caesar sent messengers to the army that they should meet him at Brundusium. He departed from Rome in the month of December, not expecting to assume his office as consul on the first of the next year. Hence, Appian, (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 458.) thought that at that time there was the same account of the Roman year as was in his own time. However, the first of January, when Caesar was to begin his second consulship, corresponded to Julian October 11th. Florus makes a similar mistake and affirmed (Florus, l.4. c.2.) that Caesar sailed to go to the war although it was in the middle of winter. Likewise Plutarch (Plutarch, in Pompey) wrote that Caesar came to Brundusium, sj hrspais hdh ou cfmwnos ottos and he left there at the time of the winter solstice in the beginning of the month of January which he says corresponds to the Athenian Posideon. Indeed Caesar (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.) confirmed that he set sail on January 4th with seven legions and the next day he landed at the Ceraunia. However, that was not the Julian January, on which in the time of Plutarch the Athenian Posideon fell but which the account of the Roman year used then. The 5th of January [when Caesar landed at the Ceraunia] corresponded to Julian October 15th with winter approaching. Thereupon, Pompey marched from Ephesus to his winter quarters to Apollonia and Dyrrachium, as Caesar showed later. By no means was it winter, that is, the height of winter.
  6. Pompey provided for a large quantity of grain from Theslalia, Asia, Egypt, Crete, Cyrenia and other countries. He planned to winter in Dyrrachium, Apollonia and in all the sea towns that he might prevent Caesar from crossing the sea [although it was all in vain.] (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  7. Scipio, the governor of Syria and the father-in-law of Pompey, received some losses about the Mountain Amanus and declared himself captain general. After this, he imposed large sums of money on the cities and the tyrants and also extracted two years of taxes from the Publicans of the province. He borrowed from them the money for the following year and ordered the whole province to provide him with cavalry. When all the forces were gathered together, he left the Parthians who were enemies on his border, behind him. He with his legions and cavalry marched from Syria. When the soldiers complained that they would go against an enemy but not against the consul and their fellow citizens, he brought the legions to their winter quarters into the richest cities like Pergamos. He gave huge bribes and to confirm the soldiers to him he allowed them to plunder the cities. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  8. In the meantime, the money that was imposed on the cites, was most cruelty collected. Moreover, many things were generally done for covetousness. The pole money tax was imposed on both bond and free. Money was demanded for making of pillars and doors, for soldiers and mariners, for arms and engines and wagons. If anything could be found that had a name, this was sufficient reason for taxing it. There were governors with commands appointed, not over cities and citadels but even villages. He that did anything most outrageously and cruelly, was accounted the man and the best citizen. The province was full of lictors and commanders and was over burdened with petty governors and tax collectors. These collected the money they were supposed to and also lined their own pockets. They said that they were expelled from their own houses and country and that they needed all necessary things that they might white wash their business with some honest pretence. In addition to these exactions, large interest baring loans were incurred, [which mainly happen in war.] In these things, they said that the extending of a day was giving them as much. Thereupon the debt of all the province was much multiplied in these two years. No less were money exacted for this cause from the Roman citizens of the province than upon all the guilds and from every city a certain amount of money was exacted. They told them that they borrowed this money by the decree of the senate. (Caesar, Civil War, l. 3.)
  9. Moreover at Ephesus, Scipio ordered that the money that had been deposited there, should be taken from the temple of Diana. When he came into the temple accompanied by as many of the senators whom he had called together for that purpose, he received letters from Pompey that Caesar had crossed the sea with his legions. He should quickly come to Pompey with the army and set everything else aside. As soon as he had received these letters, he dismissed those who he had called to him and began to prepare for his march into Macedonia. A few days later he left and this action spared the money at Ephesus. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  10. In the meantime, Pompey had in his army besides the Roman and Italian legions, two which Lentulus the consul raised. He also had archers from Crete, Lacedemon, Pontus, Syria and other cities, for a total of 3000 slingers, six cohorts, two mercenary cohorts, 7000 cavalry of which Dejotarus brought 500 Galatians, Ariobarzanes 500 from Cappadocia, 500 Gauls and Germans whom Gabinius had left at Alexandria to guard King Ptolemy and the son that Pompey had brought with the fleet. Tarcundarius, Castor and Domlaus sent from Galatia 300 troops. One of them came along himself, the other sent his son. Antiochus, the Commagenian, on whom Pompey had bestowed great rewards, sent 200 among who were many archers on horseback. Scipio was expected to bring two legions from Syria. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  11. After Caesar arrived at Ephesus many months passed and winter came on. Neither the ships nor legions that had left Brundusium, arrived to Caesar. However, M. Antony and Fusius Calinus sailed and had a fair south wind and brought with them three legions of veterans and one recently raised legion along with 800 cavalry to Caesar. When Q. Coponius, who commanded the Rhodian fleet at Dyrrachium, tried to hinder the ships, a storm arose and so troubled the fleet that of the sixteen ships, fifteen were driven against one another and perished by shipwreck. Most of the mariners and soldiers were dashed against the rocks and killed. Part were dispersed by Caesar's forces, whom Caesar saved alive and sent home again. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  12. In Egypt, the young Ptolemy with help from his relatives and friends, expelled Cleopatra who was his wife and sister, from the kingdom. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.; Livy, l.111.) But all his power will and affections be Under Pothinus' girdle----
  13. This we find in Lucan, (Lucan, l.10.) where we read that Cleopatra was complaining. Strabo stated how she was put out by the friends of the lad who made a rebellion. This affair is attributed to Pothinus. (Plutarch, in Caesar) At that time Ptolemy ruled the kingdom, an eunuch that was his governor called Pothinus, [as it is read in Caesar] who is called by the Greek writers, Potheinus which is likely more correct. After Cleopatra was expelled, she left for Syria with her sister, (Strabo, l.17. p. 796.) so that she might raise an army. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 480.)
  14. Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates the king of Pontus and king of Bosphorus Cimmerius, heard that there was civilwar among the Romans. He hoped it would continue for a long time. Since Caesar was not close, he revolted from the Romans from a desire of regaining all his father's former possessions. He committed the government and defence of Bosphorus to Asandrus. He subdued to him without much resistance, Colchis and all Armenia along with the kingdom of Moschis where as Strabo notes that he spoiled the temple of Leucothea. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 498.) Since Dejotarus was absent, he added to these some cities of Cappadocia and Pontus which belonged to the jurisdiction of Bithynia. (Dio, l.42.) He also captured Sinope and marched for Amisus. At that time he was not able to capture it. (Appian, in Mithridatic., p. (254).)
  15. Pompey sent his wife Cornelia secretly into the isle of Lesbos so that she could live quietly at Mitylene free from all troubles of the wars. (Lucan, l.5. init.) She was accompanied by her son-in-law Sextius, the younger son of Pompey. (Plutarch, in Pompey)(Dio, l.42.) However, Lucan said that he stayed in the camp with his father. (Lucan, l.6. fin.)
  16. L. Hirtius [otherwise called Hirrius] was sent as an ambassador to the Parthians [as it is understood from Caesar, (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)] and did not get any help from Orodes but was thrown into prison by him against the law of countries. (Dio, l.42.) Orodes did this because Syria was not given to him. (Dio, l.41.)
  17. Pompey besieged Dyrrachium for four months with huge siege works. Finally he was utterly defeated in the battle of Pharsalus. (Sueton, in Julius Caesar, c.35.)
  18. When Caesar came into Thessaly, [when the battle was fought at Palaeo-pharsalus] and a few days later Pompey also came when the grain was ripe. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.) Appian also confirmed that at the same time that the battle was, it was the Caesar's sitologia, (Appian, Civil War, l.2.) that it was in the middle of summer and very hot weather, if we believe Plutarch. (Plutarch, in M. Brutus)
  19. On the same day of the battle at Pharsalus, twice at Antioch people heard such a shouting of an army, such sounding of alarms, such rattling of arms that the whole city ran up to the wall with their weapons. The same thing happened at Ptolemais. From the vestry of the temple of Bacchus at Pergamos where it was only lawful for the priests to enter, a loud noise of drums and cymbals started and went through all the city. At Tralles, in the temple of victory, where they had consecrated a statue to Caesar's, a green palm tree was shown in the root, which sprung out of the pavement between the cracks of the stones. The Syrians also had two young men appear to them and declared the intent of the battle and they were never seen again. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.; Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis; Plutarch, in Caesar; Dio, l.2.)
  20. In the army of Pompey, almost all the countries that live around the sea towards the east were represented. There were troops from the Thracians, Hellespontians, Bithynians, Phrygians, Ionians, Lydians, Pamphilians, Pisidians, Paphlagonians, Cilicians, Syrians, Phoenicians, Hebrews and their neighbours the Arabians, Cypriots, Rhodians, Cretian slingers and other islanders. There were kings and governors: Dejotarus, the tetrarch of Galatia and Ariarathes, the king of the Cappadocians, Taxiles who led those Armenians on this side of the Euphrates, Megabates, the lieutenant of King Arrasias led those beyond the Euphrates. Other minor princes helped also according to their power. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 472.) Since most of his army consisted of Asians who were not used to the wars, Pompey was defeated. (Dio, l.41.) Petronius also stated: He who made Pontus and Hydaspes quake, Did quell the pirates, by his triumph shake Three times great Jove, to whom Pontus submits wave And likewise Posphors their submission gave To his shame! has fled and left the name emperor.
  21. When Caesar had taken Pompey's files he did not read nor make copies of the pirate letters which showed their good will toward Pompey or their displeasure with Caesar. In a good deed, he soon burnt them all lest from the letters he should be compelled to act too severely against any man. (Pliny, l.6,7. c.25. fin.; Dio, l.41. fin.) He later pardoned the kings and the people who had helped Pompey and did not impose any punishment on them except for two monetary fines. For he considered that he had either very little or no dealings with any of them. Pompey had deserved very much at their hands and Caesar much more commended those who had received favours from Pompey and yet had forsaken him in his greatest dangers. (Dio, l.41. fin.)
  22. Pompey left the camp and fled to Larissa with very few accompanying him. He did not enter the city although he was invited to by the citizens lest the Larissaeans should be punished for receiving him. Later, he had asked them to seek the victor's friendship. When he had received necessary supplies from them, he went toward the sea. (Dio, l.42.)
  23. Caius Cassius came into Cilicia with a fleet of Syrians, Phoenicians, and Cilicians. After he burnt Caesar's ships, he learned of the battle that was fought in Thessalia and he departed with his fleet. (Dio, l.42.)
  24. After the battle of Pharsalus, the Rhodian fleet, under C. Coponius, deserted Pompey's side and returned home. (Cicero, de divinatione., l.1.)
  25. L. Lentulus [Crus] who was consul the former year and P. Lentulus [Spinther] who had been consul and others who had followed Pompey from the flight, arrived at Rhodes. They were not received into either the town or the port. After they sent messengers to them, they were ordered against their will, to get out of Rhodes. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  26. Caecilius Bassus, an equestrian on Pompey's side, retired to Tyre. He hid himself in that place where merchants used to trade. (Dio, l.47.; Libo [??]; Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 576.)
  27. M. Claudius Marcellus was afraid of Caesar and went to Mitylene. He lived there most happily in the study of good arts, [as Seneca relates from Brutus, in his conciliation to Albina.] Cicero in vain tried to persuade him that he should return from there to Rome and ask pardon of Caesar. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.4. epist. 7. & 8.)
  28. Labienus left the battle at Pharsalus and brought news of the defeat of the Pompey's army to Dyrrachium. M. Cato was there with 15 cohorts and 300 galleys. Thereupon both he and Cicero and others that were with them were afraid and sailed away. As they looked back to the town, they saw all their cargo ships on fire which the soldiers had burned because they would not follow them. Cato crossed into Corcyra, [an island located under Epirus, in the Ionian and Adriatic sea] where the fleet was with those that had fled for fear. He took the rest that had fled from the battle of Pharsalus or otherwise followed Pompey. From the battle also came L. Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey, Labienus, Afranius and many other famous men. A little later Octavian, who was guarding the Ionian sea, had taken C. Antony with him. Also Cneus Pompey, [the oldest son of Pompey the Great] who sailed in the Egyptian fleet, had made incursions on Epitus. When his father was defeated, the Egyptians went home and he went to Corcyra. C. Cassius also, who had attacked Sicily and along with others fled to Cato, whom they observed to excel all others in virtue. (Cicero, de Divinat., l.1.; Plutarch, in Cato the Younger; Appian, the Civil War, l.2. p. 482.; Dio, l.42.)
  29. There Cato resigned his command to Cicero since he was only a praetor and the others had been consuls. When Cicero refused [he was a man, as Livy (Livy, l.3.) notes was not bound for the wars,] and wanted to leave the wars, he was almost killed. The young Pompey and his friends called him a traitor and drew their swords on him. Cato withstood them and kept Cicero from being killed and withdrew him from the camp. (Plutarch, in Cato, Cicero)
  30. After this, the fleet was divided among Pompey's main friends. Cassius sailed into Pontus to Pharnaces with an intent of stirring him up against Caesar. Scipio sailed into Africa with Varus and his forces with him and the auxiliaries of Juba and Moor. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. (482).)
  31. Cato surmised that Pompey had fled either into Africa or Egypt and he hurried after him. Before he sailed, he gave permission to all that were not ready to follow him to either leave him or go with him. (Plutarch, in Cato) Lucan describes the voyage like this: (Lucan, l.9.) He sails to Corcyra's shore, And in a thousand ships carries away The conquered remnant of Pharsalus. Who would have thought so great a fleet had held All fleeing men? That conquered ships had filled The straitened seas? from there they sailed away To Ghost field Tenarus, and long Malea, There to Cytherus: Boreas blowing fair, Crete flies and getting a good sea they clear The Cretan coast; Phycus, that dared deny Their men to land, they sack deservedly.
  32. Phycus is a promontory of the country of Cyrene and a town, which, as the poet notes, Cato gave its plunder to his soldiers. Leaving Cato we will now continue the narrative of Pompey the Great's flight and of Julius Caesar pursuing him.
  33. Caesar stayed two days at Pharsalus to offer sacrifices for the victory he had won and to refresh his soldiers that were tired after the battle. On the third day, he pursued Pompey, ( Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 482.) for he thought it best to set aside everything else and to pursue Pompey wherever he went lest he should be forced again to raise new forces and to renew the war again. Therefore he went every day with his cavalry as far as he possibly could and commanded one legion to follow after him by shorter marches. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  34. Pompey came to the sea and rested all night in a fisherman's cottage. About the break of day, he went into a ferry and took with him all the freemen. He ordered all the slaves to go to Caesar without any fear. He left the land. (Plutarch, in Pompey) Concerning this Lucan wrote: (Lucan, l.8.) Now to the shore he came where Peneus ran Red with Pharsalus' slaughter to the main; There a small barque unfit for seas and winds, Scarce safe in shallowest rivers Pompey finds And goes aboard-----
  35. As he sailed in this boat along the shore, he saw a large ship under sail. The captain of it was Peticius, a Roman citizen. He knew Pompey and took him from the boat into the ship together with the two Lentuli [who had been consuls, who, as we have shown from Caesar's writings, were excluded from Rhodes], Favonius, [who had been praetor, (Velleius Paterculus, l.1. c.53.)] and all others that wanted to come. Shortly after this, King Dejotarus [who trusted to the flight of birds, which he thought portended good success to him,] came to Pompey. (Cicero, de Divinat., l.1.)] When they saw him riding toward them from the land, they took him in also. (Plutarch, in Pompey)
  36. At anchor one night, Pompey called to his friends at Amphipolis. After he had received money from them for his necessary expenses and when he knew that Caesar was coming after him, he left that place. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  37. After he sailed by Amphipolis, within a few days he came to shore at the isle of Lesbos. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.; Plutarch, in Pompey; Dio, l.42.)
  38. He sent for his wife from Mitylene to sea where they bewailed together their bad fortune. Then she ordered her baggage to be brought from the town and called her maid servants to come to her. However, Pompey refused to come into the town of the Mitylenians although they came to greet him and invited him in. He advised them to obey the conqueror and not to be afraid for Caesar was merciful and generous. Then he turned to Cratippus, the philosopher [for he came from the town to visit him] and bewailed his misfortune and disputed with him some things concerning providence. The philosopher affirmed that: "by reason of the poor government of the commonwealth,"
  39. there was need of a monarchy. He asked Pompey: "How and by what token can we believe that you would have used your good fortune better than Caesar if you had overcome Caesar?" (Plutarch, in Pompey)
  40. He was detained there for two days by a storm. He took other light ships and he put all his belongings into four galleys which came from Rhodes and Tyre. He sailed along the coast to Cilicia with his wife and friends and stopped along the havens that he might take on fresh water and supplies. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.; Plutarch, in Pompey; Appian. p. 479,480.; Dio, l. 42.)
  41. To these we may add what Lucan said: (Lucan, l.8.) So hid the stars, and land discovered When those that from Pharsalus' battle fled To Pompey came, and first from Lesbos shores He met his son; then kings and senators: For Pompey yet [although at that sad time Vanquished and fled] had kings to wait on him; Proud sceptred kings that in the east did reign Attended there in banished Pompey's train. Then Pompey, King Dejotarus commands, To go for help to furthest eastern lands.
  42. Pompey gave his instructions in which Dejotarus was sent to request help from the Parthians, [which he never did.] Lucan, the poet, goes on to describe the journey of Pompey. --------------The king took leave at shore And by the Icarian rocks great Pompey gone Leaves Ephesus and sea calm Colophone, Shaving small Samos foamy rocks he goes, A gentle gale blows from the shore of Cos: Gnidon and Phoebus honoured Rhodes he leaves And sailing straight in the mid-ocean saves Telmessus long and winding circuits. First Pamphylia greets their eyes: but Pompey durst Commit his person to no town but thee Little Phaselis: thy small company And few inhabitants could not cause fear More in thy ships than in thy walls there were.
  43. The first town that Pompey entered was Attalia of Pisidia. Some ships came to him there from Cilicia with some soldiers also and about 60 senators. When he heard news that his navy was safe and that Cato had crossed into Africa with a strong force of soldiers that he had gathered from the flight, then he began to regret that he had fought with Caesar so far from the help of his fleet. But it was too late now to change what was done. (Plutarch, in Pompey) Lucan stated that at Selinus in Cilicia, Pompey began to discuss with Lentulus, who was the previous year's consul, and with the rest of the senators about some safe place where he might retreat to. (Lucan, l.8.)
  44. Pompey sailed to Cyprus from Cilicia. (Caesar, Civil Wars, l.3.) Those who came to offer their service to him at Paphos, assured him that Cicero had made a very honourable mention of him. (Cicero, in Philippica. 2.) He also knew that by the general consent of all the Antiochians and Roman citizens who traded there, the citadel of Antioch was already taken merely to keep him out. It was also reported of them that they had sent messengers to all the neighbouring cities where any had retired from the flight that they should not come to Antioch. If they did, it would be at the risk of their lives. Now there was a report circulated around the cities about Caesar's coming there. When Pompey knew this, he set aside his intention of going into Syria. He took away the money that belonged to the guilds and also from private persons and shipped this huge sum of money to defray the charges of the army. He took 2000 well armed soldiers [some whom he took from the families of the guilds and some whom he forced from the merchants and whomever he thought fit for this purpose], and he sailed to Pelusium. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  45. Theophanes, from Lesbos, and Pompey's other friends, persuaded him that he should forget about every other place and go into Egypt. It was within three day's journey and was a rich and powerful country. He might expect help from the king who was his charge, especially since Pompey had restored his father to his kingdom with the help of Gabinius and the son was not ungrateful but had sent ships to Pompey against Caesar. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.53.; Plutarch, in Pompey; Appian, p. 480.; Dio, l.42.) As soon as that opinion prevailed, Pompey and his wife went into a ship of Seleucis and set sail from Cyprus. Some accompanied him in long ships and others in cargo ships. (Plutarch, in Pompey) Lucan describes this voyage thus: (Lucan, l.8.) Pompey departing thence, his course he bend, Round all the Cyprian Rocks that southward tend, And got into the interposed main; Nor by the nights weak light could he attain Mount Casius, but with struggling sails and strength, A lower port of Egypt reached at length, Where parted Nile greatest channel flows, And to the ocean at Pelusium goes.
  46. Caesar lacked galleys and crossed the Hellespont in small ships. As he was crossing in a ferry boat, Cassius was coming to Pharnaces with ten war ships and met Caesar in the middle of the crossing. Caesar did not avoid him but headed straight toward him and advised his adversary to surrender. Crassus was astonished at the incredible boldness of Caesar and thought that they sailed against him on purpose. He held Caesar's hand to help him from the galley and humbly demanded his pardon. He immediately turned over the fleet of 70 ships to him, if we believe Appian. (Sueton, in Julius Caesar, c.63.; Appian, p. 482,483.; Dio, l.42.)
  47. As soon as Caesar came into Asia, he granted the Cnidians' liberty as a favour to Theopompus who had collected the fables. (Plutarch, in Caesar) He received into favour the Ionians and Aeolians. He pardoned the other countries who lived in the lesser Asia who asked Caesar's pardon through their ambassadors. (Appian, p. 483) Caesar only asked money from them which yet he recompensed with another benefit. He freed Asia from the publicans who had grievously vexed it and converted part of the customs into a convenient payment of tribute. (Dio, l.42.) He remitted the third part of the tribute to all the inhabitants of Asia. (Plutarch, in Caesar)
  48. T. Ampius intended to take away the money from the temple at Ephesus and called the senators of that province that they might be witnesses of what money he took. He was forced to flee when he heard that Caesar was coming. Thus Caesar saved the money at Ephesus twice. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  49. Since no one knew for certain where Pompey planned to flee to, Caesar took part of his journey alone with M. Brutus [who defected to him from Pompey's side and Caesar esteemed among his chiefest friends.] Caesar asked his opinion and because they could make no certain conjecture about Pompey's flight, they thought to take the most probable journey and set aside all other places and headed straight for Egypt. (Plutarch, in M. Brutus) They feared lest Pompey got control of that kingdom that he should again rally his forces. (Dio, l.42.) Therefore he crossed to Rhodes and did not wait until all his army had come together. He continued on with the ships of Cassius and the Rhodian galleys with those forces that he had with him. He told no one where he planned to go and set sail about evening. He ordered all the ship captains that by night they should follow the light of the admiral's galley and his own flag by day. When they were now far from land, he ordered his captain of his ship to direct his course for Alexandria and they arrived there on the third day. (Appian, p. 483.)
  50. Lucan, (Lucan, l.9.) describes this voyage of Caesar more like a poet than an historian. He stated how Caesar stayed at Ilium and the places around there. He sailed from there and he came into Egypt on the seventh night. -------This said, to shore He hastens, takes shipping, and to Coreus lends His full spread sails with haste to make amends For these delays and with a prosperous wind, Leaves wealthy Asia and fair Rhodes behind: The west wind blowing still, the seventh night Discovers Egypt's shore by Pharian light; But ere they reach the harbour, day appears, And dims the night by fires.-------
  51. Caesar explained what happened the most clearly. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.) "After Caesar had spent a few days in Asia, he heard that Pompey was seen at Cyprus. Caesar conjectured that Pompey had sailed to Egypt since he had ties with that kingdom and other opportunities in that place. Caesar came to Alexandria with the legions, one which he ordered to follow him from Thessaly, and another which he had ordered to come to him from Achaia under his lieutenant Fusius with 800 cavalry in the ten Rhodian ships and a few from Asia. In these legions were 3200 men. The rest were so weakened with their wounds in battle and with the labour and length of the journey that they could not catch up to Caesar. Caesar trusted in the fame of what he had done and made no doubt of what was going on. For all his forces were so weak and he thought that each place would be secure enough for him."
  52. Lucan describes when Pompey came into Egypt ahead of Caesar. (Lucan, l.8.) That time was come wherein just Libra weighs The hours and makes the nights equal with days; Then pays the winter nights hours which the spring Had taken away.--------------
  53. This was at the end of September as the year was then accounted that Lucan knew that Pompey came into Egypt. Lucan knew that at the end of the same month in the Julian year which was used in his time, the sun was entering Libra. Thereupon, not considering the different account of the times, he wrote that Pompey came into Egypt about the autumnal solstice. This was the time when the sun began to enter into Leo about the beginning of the dog days and the Nile River began to flood. It was in Libra when the river usually recedes to within its banks.
  54. Not far from Pelusium, one of the mouths of the Nile, about the Mountain Cassius, which is located between the borders of Egypt and Arabia, King Ptolemy was waging war with his sister Cleopatra with large forces. He had expelled her from the kingdom a few months earlier. His camp was not far from Cleopatra's camp. (Caesar, Civil Wars, l.4.; Plutarch, in Pompey; Appian, p. 480.; Dio, l.42.) Caesar stated that Ptolemy was only a boy in age. Mirtius says he was a middle aged boy. (Mirtius, de bell. Alexandro.) Strabo said he was a very young boy. (Strabo, l.17. p. 796.) Dio stated he was only a boy. (Dio, l.40.) Orosius stated he was a young man. (Orosius, l.6. c.15.) Plutarch stated he was a very young man. (Plutarch, in Pompey) Velleius said he was nearer a boy than a man. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2, c.53.) Appian wrote that he was at the most only thirteen years old. (Appian, p. 480.)
  55. When Pompey saw so large an army on the shore, he dared not land unless he might do so safely. Finding the king to keep within the Cassian Mount. He turned aside. (Lucan, l.8.)
  56. He sent some of his followers to the king who would humbly tell him of his arrival. They were to intreat him, for the sake of the friendship he had with his father and the benefits confirmed on himself that Pompey might be received into Alexandria and be protected by his forces in this calamity. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.; Plutarch, in Pompey; Appian, p. 480; Dio, l.42.) After those that went from Pompey had delivered their message, they began to talk more freely with the king's soldiers that they should perform their duty to Pompey and not despise his illfortune. In this number were many of Pompey's soldiers whom Gabinius had received from his army in Syria and had taken to Alexandria to establish Ptolemy. After that war was over, he had left them with Ptolemy, the father of the lad. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  57. The king did not reply but his friends who had the administration of the kingdom, Achillas an Egyptian, who was lord general and Pothinus an eunuch, who was lord treasurer, began to discuss Pompey's situation. They held a council and talked with other officers including Theodorus. He was either a Chian or a Samian, a mercenary teacher of rhetoric. He was held in great authority with the king since he was the king's school teacher. (Livy, l.112.; Plutarch, in Pompey; Appian, p. 480)
  58. In this council, some were of the opinion that Pompey was to be received, and others that he should be kept from entering Egypt. However, Theodorus who bragged of his eloquence and skill in arguments, stated that both sides were mistaken. There was only one expedient thing to do. They should receive him and put him to death. He added at the close of his speech that the dead do not bite. (Plutarch, in Pompey, Brutus)
  59. The rest followed his opinion through fear. They later said that lest by tampering with the king's army, Pompey would seize Alexandria and Egypt. If they condemned his misfortune, as is commonly done in times of trouble, many of his friends would become enemies. Therefore they publicly answered kindly to those who were sent to them from Pompey and asked him to come to the king. Privately, they sent to kill Pompey, Achillas, the king's general and a man of singular audacity and L. Septimius, a colonel, who in the wars against the pirates had a command under Pompey. (Caesar, Civil Wars, l.3.)
  60. These with Salvius, another centurion and three or four such officers went aboard a little ship and came to Pompey. In the meanwhile, the whole army stood in battle formation along the shore as if it were in honour of his arrival. The king was at the head of them and clothed in his robes. There were many of the king's ships around that were full of men to make sure Pompey could not escape if they should change their minds. As the little ship approached, Septimius arose first and in Latin greeted Pompey by the name of imperator. Achillas greeted him in Greek and asked him to come aboard that little ship. It would be impossible to land in Pompey's large ship because the sea was full of sand bars. The king desired to see him as soon as he could along with all the chief men of those who had accompanied Pompey. All those who sailed with him came to him and advised him that while they were out of danger of their weapons, he should set sail back again toward the sea. When Pompey saw the army in battle array, the small ship that was sent to him, that the king did not come to meet him, nor any of the chief noblemen, he also began to suspect as much. However, he greeted Cornelia who had already bewailed his death. He ordered two centurions and from his free men, Philip and a servant called Scynes, to board the little ship ahead of him. Then Achillas helped him with his hand, Pompey also entered the ship. Just before turning to his wife and son, Pompey spoke those lines of Sophocles. Who deal with tyrants they shall surely be Enslaved, though before they are never so free.
  61. As they sailed there was a dead silence and his suspicion was increased. He held a book in his hand in which he had written the speech he intended to give to Ptolemy and he began to read it when they came near the shore. They determined to kill Pompey before they came to land for they feared lest he meet with Ptolemy, he should be safely delivered either by the king or by the Romans who he had with him or the Egyptians [who bore him much good will.] Cornelia with his friends from the ship, stood in great suspense and watched the whole thing. Pompey began to be encouraged because at his landing point, he saw many of the king's friends come running to greet him with honour. However, as Philip lent him his hand to help him up, Septimius first came behind him and ran him through. After him, Salvius and Achillas thrust him through with their swords. Pompey had no way of defending himself or escaping. With both his hands, he hid his face with his gown. He neither spoke nor did anything unworthy of himself and only gave a groan and patiently received all their thrusts. (Caesar, Civil Wars, l.3.; Plutarch, in Pompey; Appian, p. 480.; Dio, l.42)
  62. When his wife and friends who were on the ships saw this, they gave a great shriek which was heard even on the shore. They held up their hands to heaven and implored the gods that were the revengers of covenant breaking. They quickly weighed anchor and fled. (Plutarch, in Pompey; Appian, p. 480.) Some of those who were taken by the Egyptians that pursued them and some escaped who (Dio, l.42) first sailed as far as Tyre and were shown hospitality by the Tyrians in their flight. (Dio, l.42.) Of those that escaped, his wife Cornelia and his son Sextus Pompey fled to Cyprus. (Livy, l.112.) The rest of Pompey's fleet was taken and everyone in it was most cruelly murdered. Then Pompey, the Bithynian [of whom Cicero mentioned, (Cicero, in Brutus or declaris of atoribus) as one who lived at that time] was killed. Lentulus, who had been consul, was killed at Pelusium. (Orosius, l.6. c.15.) He was the same L. Lentulus who was the consul in the previous year whom Caesar wrote was captured by the king and killed in prison. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.) Plutarch (Plutarch, in Pompey) noted that he together with Pompey went to Cyprus and that he did not leave Cyprus for Egypt until a long time after the burial of Pompey. A little after leaving Cyprus, he was taken at sea and killed.
  63. Caius Caesar and Publius Servilius were consuls when Pompey was killed in the 58th year of his age, the day before his birthday. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.53.) On that very day, he had triumphed in earlier times over Mithridates and the pirates. (Dio, l.42.) That triumph lasted for two days and started on the third day before the month of October as we have shown from Pliny. (Pliny, l.7. c.29, l.37. c.2.) Hence he died the day after his birthday. The last day of September which was the last day of the life of Pompey, was Julian July 25th. The Roman calendar was in a mess at that time.
  64. Septimius cut off the head of Pompey, [as Lucan says] and it was kept until Caesar arrived and he hoped for a large reward. The body was thrown naked from the ship, to be seen by all that would. Philip, his freed man, stayed by it until all had satisfied their eyes. Then he washed it with sea water and wrapped it in a coat of his own. When he had nothing present, he looked around the shore and he found the broken planks of a fishing boat. This was enough to burn the naked body but not completely. As he was gathering the planks together and laying them in order, a grave old citizen of Rome, who had served under Pompey in his younger days, came and helped him to perform the funeral rites. (Plutarch, in Pompey) Appian wrote that a certain man buried Pompey on the shore and made a little monument for him and another man added this inscription: (Appian, p. 481.) -------Scarce would the temple hold, That which is covered over with a little mould.
  65. We read (Aurelius Victor, de viris illustribus, c.77.) that the trunk of his body was cast into the Nile and burnt. It was buried by Servius Codrus who wrote this on his tomb, "HERE LIETH POMPEY THE GREAT". Lucan wrote: (Lucan, l.8.) ---To the shore did fearful Codrus come Out of his lurking hole that was before, Great Pompey's quaester and from Cyprus shore Had followed him; he by the shades of night Durst go true love had vanquish terror quite To find his slaughtered lord, along the sand, And through the waves to bring the trunk to land.
  66. For the poet more correctly seeks his body in the sea than Aurelius Victor who stated it was in the Nile. It is shown by other writers that Pompey was killed and buried not far from the Cassian Mountain. (Strabo, l.16. p. 760.; Pliny, l.5. c.12.) This was the end of the great Pompey's life, who was accounted the most powerful among the Romans. He was surnamed Agamemnon because he also had the command of 1000 ships but then died near Egypt in a little ship like one of the smallest Egyptian's boats. He had an oracle a long time earlier that made him suspect all the clan of the Cassian family. He was killed and buried near Mount Cassius. (Dio, l.42.) This mountain is located not far from the border of Judea which he first subjected under the Roman yoke.
  67. Those who were with Cato arrived in Cyrene and heard of the death of Pompey. (Dio, l. 42.) Cornelia, with her son-in-law, Sextus Pompey, was driven there from Cyprus as Lucan stated: (Lucan, l.9.) They first arrived on Cyprus foamy shore, From there a mild east wind commanding bore Their ships to Cato's Libyan Camp--------
  68. He adds moreover that the son of Pompey [Cnaeus the elder] who was with Cato, there learned from his younger brother Sextus, who was with Cornelia about the death of his father. Cornelia burnt the remains of Pompey. By her example the rest of the army made funeral piles and performed funeral rites to the ghosts of those who died in Pharsalum. Cato made a funeral speech in the memory of Pompey.
  69. After this, they had different ideas as what to do. Those who had no hope of obtaining pardon from Caesar, stayed with Cato. Others left and went where chance took them. Others went directly to Caesar and obtained pardon. (Dio, l.42.) Cornelia, was given a pardon and returned safely to Rome. (Dio, l.42.) In the Mount Albanus, she buried the remains of her husband that were brought to her. (Lucan, l.8.; Plutarch, Pompey, in fin.)
  70. The soldiers of Cato, who were chiefly mariners of Cilicia under their captain, Tarcho, were ready to leave him. They were stirred with the words Cato spoke to them and returned to their duty. (Lucan, l.9.)
  71. Cato was allowed to enter by the citizens in Cyrene, when a few days earlier, they had shut their gates against Labienus. (Plutarch, in Cato; Lucan, l.9.) -------Their second labour is To scale Cyrene's lofty walls on whom, Cato no vengeance took when overcome [Though they against him shut their gates] to him Revenge sufficient did their conquest seem. He hence to Libyan Juba's kingdom goes.
  72. Cato was told that Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey was welcomed by King Juba and that Appius Varus, to whom the province of Africa was given by Pompey, had gone to them with his army. (Plutarch, in Cato)
  73. After three days in his pursuit [for as much as can be gathered from the epitome of Lucan], Caesar came to Alexandria. King Ptolemy was still around the Cassius Mountain. (Appian, p. 483.) He found that the Alexandrians were in rebellion over the death of Pompey. He dared not go ashore immediately but left the shore and stayed off for some time. (Dio, l.42) Lucan stated: (Lucan, l.9.) -------where when he saw the shore With giddy tumult all confused over Doubting if safe to trust them did forbear To bring his ships to land-------
  74. When Caesar knew Pompey was dead, he went first from his ship and heard the shout of the soldiers whom Ptolemy had left for a garrison in the town. He saw them come running out to him because his fasces was carried before him. In this all the crowd said that the royal majesty was disgraced. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.; Dio, l.42) Concerning this event, Lucan wrote: (Lucan. l.9.) But perceiving that the throng Of people murmured that in Egypt he Bare the ensigns up of Rome's authority He finds their wavering faiths-------
  75. In spite of this, Caesar entered Alexandria when it was in a turmoil without any danger to himself. (Livy, l.112.) He retired by fleeing into the palace. The weapons were taken from some of his soldiers. The crowd went back as all the ships came to shore. (Dio, 42.)
  76. Caesar was very angry when Theodorus offered to him the head and signet of Pompey. He took the ring and started to weep. (Livy, l.112.; Plutarch, in Caesar) We read (Aurelius Victor, de viris illustr. c.77.) that the head of Pompey with the ring was presented to Caesar by Achillas, the captain of Ptolemy's guard and was wrapped in an Egyptian covering. Caesar had it burned with many and most precious odours. He did not stop weeping. Lucan mentions concerning the head that was given to him by the captain of the guard: (Lucan. l.9.) Bringing his king's dire guise great Pompey's head With an Egyptian mantle covered.
  77. Both Dio and Lucan think Caesar was being a hypocrite and the tears were not genuine. Caesar at his first gift would not refuse Nor turn his eyes away but fixedly views Till he perceived it was true, and plainly saw, It was safe to be a pious father-in-law: Then shed forced tears and from a joyful breast Drew sighs and groans as thinking tears would best Concealed his inward joy.
  78. Concerning the burial of the head, Lucan brings in Caesar commanding: -------But do you interr This worthies head, not that the earth may bear And hide your guilt; bring fumes and odours store, To appease his head, and gather from the shore His scattered limbs; compose them in on tomb.
  79. However, Caesar ordered the head to be buried in the suburbs and there dedicated a temple of Nemeses [revenge!]. (Appian, p. 484.)
  80. So that he might show more of his good will toward Pompey, he kindly entertained his friends and associates who were captured as they wandered in that country by the king. He won them to himself by favours that he did for them. He wrote to his friends at Rome that the greatest and most pleasant fruit that he took of his victory was that he daily saved some citizens that had opposed him. (Plutarch, in Caesar)
  81. Before his army came to him and for lack of his own company, Caesar gave himself to idle pursuits. He courteously entertained all he met and walked about to see the city. He admired its beauty and stood to hear many of the professors of wisdom. His leisure won him favour and good account with the people of Alexandria. (Appian, Civil War, p. 483. fin. p. 484. init.) Thus Lucan said that he visited the temples and the cave where the body of Alexander the Great lay. Then with a look still hiding fear goes he, The stately temple of the old god to see; Which speaks the ancient Macedonian greatness. But there delighted with no objects sweetness, Nor with their gold nor gods majestic dress, Nor lofty city walls, with greediness, Into the burying vault goes Caesar down. There Macedonian Philip's mad-brained son, The prosperous thief lies buried: whom just fate Slew in the world's revenge-------
  82. Caesar turned over to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, the government of Asia, and the neighbouring provinces, (Hirtius, de bello. Alexandrino., l.1.) Caesar ordered him to take the armies that were in Asia with him and he should make war on King Pharnaces. (Dio, l.42.) When Caesar saw that there were many riots daily at Alexandria because of the great gathering of the multitude and that many soldiers were killed in various places of the city, he ordered the legions to be brought to him from Asia which he had gathered together from Pompey's soldiers. He was detained there by the etesian winds which are most contrary to them that sail from Alexandria. (Caesar, l.3.) Those are the northern winds which stop blowing about the end of the Julian August we may learn from in the Ephemerides of Geminus and Ptolemy and also in Pliny, (Pliny, l.2. c.47.) and Columbella, (Columbella, de re rustica., l.2.) From there we find the error of Lucan who stated (Lucan, l.8.) that Pompey came to Egypt at the time of the autumnal equinox. Lucan (Lucan, l.9.) also told of that weary march of Cato with the legions through African desert, [concerning this see Livy, (Livy, l.112.)] after he heard of the death of Pompey. He said it was taken by him in the winter that followed this equinox.
  83. When Cato left Cyrene, he tried to cross the Syrts with his fleet. A storm cast him into the marshes of Tritonis. Sextus Pompey was left with part of the forces in the more fruitful places of Africa. Cato intended to march by land since the sea was now impassable because of storms. He wanted to find the king of Mauritania as Lucan described: Part of the fleet got off from hence again, And from the Syrts' driven, did remain Under great Pompey's oldest son's command, On this side Garamantis in rich land: But Cato's virtue brooking no delay, Through unknown regions led his troops away, To encompass round the Syrts by land, for now. The stormy seas unnavigable grow In winter time---------------
  84. Plutarch (Plutarch, in Cato) affirmed that this overland march took place in the winter.
  85. His army was miserably oppressed in the country of the Nasamones which is near the Syrts. The winds blew the sand about and water was scarce. They found a huge number of different kinds of snakes. Cato arrived at the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and was advised by Labeio to consult the oracle about his future fortune. He refused and finally after wandering two months through the sandy deserts of Africa, he came to Leptis. He spent the winter there. (Lucan, l.9.) After winter he assembled his 10,000 soldiers again. (Plutarch, in Cato)
  86. Caesar was detained at Alexandria by the etesian winds and spent his time in Egypt in raising money and deciding the controversy between Ptolemy and Cleopatra. (Dio, l.42.) He collected some of that vast sum of money that was owed to him by Ptolemy Auletes, the father of the young king, to pay the costs of his army. (Plutarch, in Caesar) The Egyptians did not take kindly to Caesar's collection procedures. They, of all people, were most superstitious worshippers of a multitude of gods, and did not approve of Caesar taking those things that were dedicated to their gods. (Dio, l.42.) Although in this, he was deceived by the king's guardians that they might by this show that the king's treasury was empty and so that they might stir up the people to hate Caesar. (Orosus, l.6. c.15.) To encourage this unrest, the eunuch, Pothinus, a man who was in greatest authority, spoke and did many things in public. For he gave the soldiers old and musty grain and told them that they should be content because they were fed at the expense of another. He ordered that his own supper should be served up in wooden and earthen dishes and said that Caesar had taken away all the gold and silver plate, for the payment of the debt. (Plutarch, in Caesar)
  87. Caesar thought that the controversies of the king and queen belonged to the people of Rome and to him because he was a consul. They were associated with his office because in his former consulship, there was a league made with Ptolemy the father of them both. Therefore he told them that it was his pleasure that both king Ptolemy and his sister Cleopatra should dismiss their armies. They should settle their controversies by law before him rather than between themselves by fighting. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  88. The death of Pompey was not believed at Rome until his signet ring was sent there later. It had three trophies engraved on it [or as Plutarch thought, a lion holding a sword.] Then the Romans strove to see who would give most honours to Caesar. He was given power to do with Pompey's side as he wished. He was given authority to make war and peace with whomever he wanted without consulting the Roman people. He was made consul for five years. He was made dictator for a whole year not the normal six months time. He would have the authority of a tribune as long as he lived and he would sit with the tribunes and determine anything to be done together with them. This was never done before. (Dio, l.42.)
  89. When Caesar had accepted these honours, although he was out of Italy, he immediately entered into the office of dictator. (Dio, l.42.) Josephus correctly begins his rule from this time and assigned it a period of three and an half years. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17.) In Syria, as the Antiochians seem to reckon the times of the Caesars from his first dictatorship, so the Lacedomonians from this second dictatorship. Eusebius in his Chronicle at the second year of the empire of Probus showed that the Laodicean account was later than the Antiochian account, but by only one year.
3957 AM, 4666 JP, 48 BC
  1. Velleius Paterculus stated that the king and those by whom he was governed, attempted treason against Caesar. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.54.) Suetonius affirmed this of King Ptolemy himself. (Suetonius, in Julio, c.35.) Eutropius, (Eutropius, l.6.) and Plutarch stated the eunuch Pothinus was the instigator of the treasons that were plotted against him. Caesar began to feast whole nights in his own defence. Pothinus would tell him, that now it was time to stop and to attend to his important business and later return to his feasting. Caesar replied that he did not require any advice from any of the Egyptians. He sent for Cleopatra secretly from the country. (Plutarch, in Caesar)
  2. Previously Cleopatra, had pleaded her case before Caesar through other men. As soon as she knew his nature that his weakness was women, then she desired that she personally might plead her own case before him. (Dio, l.42.) This was granted, and she only took one of her friends with her, Apollodorus Siculus. They sailed in a light ship to the palace as soon as it was dark. Since she could not easily hide herself, she laid herself a long in a mattress that was folded up, which Apollodorus tied up with a cord and carried up through the gate to Caesar. (Plutarch, in Caesar) Lucan describes her arrival to Caesar like this: (Lucan, l.10) Now the young king come from Pelusium Had pacified the peoples wrath: in whom As hostage of his peace in Egypt court Caesar was safe; when, lo, from Pharos port, Bribing the keeper to unchain the same, In a small galley Cleopatra came, Unknown to Caesar entering the house The stain of Egypt, Rome's pernicious Fury, unchaste to Italy's disgrace.
  3. Cleopatra fell at Caesar's feet and asked for her part of the kingdom. She was an exceedingly beautiful woman and her beauty was much increased by this. She did seem to suffer so great an injury as also the hatred of the king himself who had murdered Pompey. The king did not do this for Caesar's sake and would have just as easily killed Caesar if he could. (Florus, l.4. c.2.) When Caesar saw Cleopatra and heard her speak, he immediately became her slave. As soon as it was day, he sent for Ptolemy and mediated a peace between them. He became Cleopatra's advocate, whose judge he was previously. This thing and because he saw his sister with Caesar before he was aware of it, so inflamed the lad with anger that he ran out to the people. He shouted that he was betrayed and took his crown and threw it to the ground. (Dio, l. 42.)
  4. After this a large uproar resulted. Caesar's soldiers took Ptolemy and carried him in but the Egyptians were all in an uproar. Unless Caesar who was afraid and had not gone to talk to them from a safe place and promised them that he do what they wanted, they could have easily captured the palace on the first assault. They had entered it by sea and land. The Romans who thought they had been among their friends, had no means to resist. (Dio, l.42.)
  5. After these things, Caesar together with Ptolemy and Cleopatra, went out to the people and read the will of their father. It stated that after the ancient custom of the Egyptians, that the two should be married together and should hold the kingdom in common and they should be under the protection of the people of Rome. Caesar added that it was his part, who now was dictator and had all the power of the people of Rome, both to take care of the children and to see their father's will was followed. Therefore, he gave the kingdom of Egypt to Ptolemy and Cleopatra. He gave Cyprus to Arsinoe and Ptolemy the younger for he was so afraid at that time that he would willingly have given anything of his own rather then have taken anything away that belonged to the Egyptians. By this was the riot appeased. (Dio, l.42.; Caesar, Civil War, l.3.; Livy, l.112.; Plutarch, in Caesar)
  6. King Dejotarus came to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, Caesar's lieutenant in Asia and wanted him not to allow Armenia the Less, his own kingdom, nor Cappadocia, the kingdom of Ariobarzanes, to be occupied and plundered by Pharnaces. Unless his activities were checked, they could not do as they were commanded nor pay the money that they had promised to Caesar. Domitius immediately sent messengers to Pharnaces that he should get out of Armenia and Cappadocia. He thought this order would carry greater weight if he came nearer those countries with his army. Therefore he selected a legion from the three legions that he had with him. He took the 36th and the other two were sent into Egypt to Caesar who had written to him for them. In addition to the 36th legion, he added two more that he had received from Dejotarus. They were disciplined and armed after the Roman manner. As well as, he gave him an hundred cavalry and Domitius took as many from Ariobarzanes. He sent also P. Sextius to C. Paetorius, his quaester, to bring to him a legion that he had quickly raised. He sent to Q. Patiscus in Cilicia, to bring more troops. All these forces were ordered by Domitius to meet as quickly as possible at Comiana. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrino.)
  7. In the meantime, the ambassadors returned an answer from Pharnaces that he had left Cappadocia and that he had recovered Armenia the Less, which he ought to keep since it belonged to his father. Furthermore, the whole business of that king should be referred to Caesar himself, for he would do whatever he should decide. He left Cappadocia because he could more easily defend Armenia since it was nearer his own kingdom than Cappadocia. When Domitius knew his reply, he still thought that he should get out of Armenia for he had no more right to Armenia than to Cappadocia. His request was unjust that the whole business should be tabled until Caesar came for nothing would change in the meantime. After Domitius had replied, he marched with his forces into Armenia. In the meantime, Pharnaces sent many embassies to Domitius to entreat for peace and offered him expensive presents. Domitius constantly refused them all and answered the ambassadors that he did not account anything more dear to him than to recover the dignity of the people of Rome and the kingdom of their allies. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrino.)
  8. While Caesar carried on the war at Alexandria, Dejotarus did what he could for Caesar and supplied Cn. Domitius' army with lodgings. He added his own forces to Domitius as Cicero confirms in a speech that he made in his behalf. (Cicero, pro Dejotarus)
  9. In Egypt, the eunuch Pothinus, who had the oversight of all the king's treasure and of the whole kingdom, feared lest he should be punished for the former sedition of the Egyptians of which he was the chief ringleader. He was the instigator of a new and difficult war. He first complained among his own friends that the king was called to plead his cause. To others whom he planned to have on his side, he sowed a suspicion that Caesar indeed, to appease the riot, had given the kingdom to both parties but that in the process of time, he would give it to Cleopatra alone. He solicited Achillas by letters and messengers, who was commander-in-chief of all the king's forces. He first provoked him by his own promises and flattered him with promises from the king that he alone should lead all the king's army of foot soldiers and cavalry from Pelusium to Alexandria. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.; Dio, l.42.)
  10. Caesar's forces were not so many that if he must be forced to fight outside the town, he dared not trust them. The only thing that he could do, was to stay within Alexandria and wait and see what Achillas planned to do. He wished the king to send some of his most confident friends and of greatest authority as ambassadors to Achillas. So that he should declare his intentions, Dioscorides and Serapion, who had been ambassadors at Rome and had been in great authority with his father, were sent from the king. When they came to Achillas as soon as they came within sight, before Achillas knew why they came, he ordered them to be taken and killed. One of them was wounded and was taken away by his own men for dead and the other was killed. After this, Caesar brought things so to pass that he got the king under his own power. He thought that the name of the king would be of great authority among his own country men and that this war might seem to be undertaken rather by the outrage of a few private men and thieves, than by the advice of the king. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  11. Achillas had substantial forces with him. They were 20,000 trained armed troops. These consisted of the soldiers of Gabinius, who now were accustomed to the life and licentiousness of the Alexandrians and had forgotten the name and discipline of the people of Rome. These were joined by a company of thieves and robbers from the provinces of Syria, Cilicia and the neighbouring provinces. Moreover, there met here many that were condemned persons and banished men. All Roman fugitives were safe and well taken care of at Alexandria. As soon as they said their names, they were enlisted among the soldiers. If anyone was apprehended by his master, he was taken away again by a concourse of soldiers. They defended the violence of their companions because they were just as guilty and for fear of their own punishment. These were used to, according to the old custom of the Alexandrian army, demand that the king's friends be put to death and to plunder rich men's goods to increase their pay. They besieged the king's palace, banished some and recalled others from banishment. There were also 2000 cavalry, many of whom had served a long time in the wars of Alexandria. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  12. Achillas trusted in these forces and despised the fewness of Caesar's soldiers. He captured Alexandria and attempted to break into Caesar's house. However, Caesar, had stationed his cohorts in the passes and they withstood the assault. They fought at the same time at the harbour where the fiercest fighting took place of all. At the same time, the enemy brought their forces and fought in many passes and endeavoured also with many troops to seize the long ships. Fifty of these were sent to help Pompey and when the battle in Thessalia was over, they returned. They were all galleys with either three of five oars on a bank, well rigged and furnished with all tackling for sailing. In addition to these, 22 ships always stationed there at Alexandria to guard it. They were all covered [or rather beaked with ramming prows.] which the enemy had seized since Caesar's fleet had left. They had the harbour and the whole sea at their command and had kept Caesar from all provisions and any help from coming to him. Therefore this was the hottest part of the battle. Caesar knew the importance of the fleet and the harbour for their safety. Caesar got the better of it and burnt those ships and the rest that were in the arsenal because he could not defend them with the few troops that he had. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.) Nor over the ships alone do flames prevail; But all the houses near the shore assail, The south winds feed the flame, and drive it on Along the houses with such motion, As through the welkin fiery meteors run, That wanting fuel fed on air alone. (Lucan, l.10.)
  13. When this fire had spread to part of the city, it burned 400,000 books that were stored in the adjoining houses. This was a singular monument to the care and industry of their ancestors who had gathered together so many and so great works of famous writers. (Orosius, l.6. c.15.) Livy said that here was a famous work of the glory and care of those kings as it is in Seneca, (Livy, de Tranquillitate animi, l.1. c.9.) where the same number of books is said to have been burned. A. Gellius (Gellius, l.5. c.17.) stated the same. Ammianus Marcellinus (Marcellius, l. 22.) stated that there were 700,000 burned. Indeed when at the end of the Alexandrian war, the city was plundered by the soldiers. However, Plutarch, (Plutarch, in Caesar) stated that at the beginning of this war, the flame was increased by the arsenal and that the library was burned. Dio (Dio, l.42.) confirmed that the store houses, granaries and library were burned together with the arsenal.
  14. After the fleet was burned and the enemy was still engaged in fighting, Caesar at the island of Pharos [which was joined to the city with a narrow neck of land of 900 paces long and makes the harbour] landed his soldiers from the ships and placed a garrison there. As soon as he had done this, he was able to bring grain and troops to him by ship. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.) Lucan wrote of the taking of Pharos by him: (Lucan, l.10.) Two helps on Caesar both that fort bestow: Commands the seas, the foes incursions stayed, And made a passage safe for Caesar's aid.
  15. In other parts of the town they fought so that neither of them had the upper hand. Neither side gave ground because of the narrowness of the places and only a few were killed on either side. After Caesar had taken the most important places, he fortified them by night. On that side of the town, there was a little part of the palace where they first brought him to live. A theatre which was joined to the house, was like a citadel and had a way to the harbour and the arsenal. He strengthened these fortifications daily so that they would be like a strong wall for him and so that he might not be forced to fight except when he wanted to. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.)
  16. The Egyptians feared lest Caesar who won the battle at sea, would now seize the harbour of the city. They built a rampart to bar his entrance and only left a little space. Caesar blocked that space by sinking cargo ships filled with stones. This blocked all the enemy's ships in the harbour so they could not leave. By this he could get what he needed with less trouble. He was able to get water also [for Achillas, had taken all water from him, by cutting the conduits.] (Dio, l.42.)
  17. Caesar sent into all the neighbouring countries and called for help from there. (Caesar, Civil War, l.3.) He sent for the whole fleet from Rhodes, Syria and Cilicia. He ordered them to bring archers from Crete and cavalry from Malchus, the king of the Nabataeans. He ordered to be brought to him battering rams, grain and other supplies. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.) He told Domitius Calvinus of his danger and desired him by all means to send supplies to him as soon as he possibly could. He wanted him to come to Alexandria through Syria. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.) However, Mithridates of Pergamos was a man of great nobility in his country with knowledge and valour in the wars. He was held in great esteem, credit and friendship with Caesar. He was sent into Syria and Cilicia, to hurry on the supplies. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.; Josephus, Wars, l.14. c.14.; Dio. l.42.)
  18. In the meanwhile Ganymedes, an eunuch, stole away Arsinoe who was carelessly guarded, and carried her to the Egyptians. They made her queen and fought the war with new enthusiasm than before because they had gotten one of the family of the Ptolemy's as a commander. (Dio, l.42.) Lucan wrote thus: (Lucan, l.10.) Arsinoe from court escaped goes By Ganymedes' help to Caesar's foes, The crown [as Lagus' daughter] to obtain.
  19. Caesar wrote this near the end of the commentaries of the civilwar: "The young daughter of King Ptolemy, hoped after the vacant possession of the kingdom, escaped from the palace to Achillas and commanded in the war together with him. Immediately there was a dispute as to who would be the chief commander. The matter was aggravated by many bribes among the soldiers. Each strove to get the good will of the soldiers to the detriment of themselves."
  20. While these things were done among the enemies, Pothinus the king's governor and administrator of the kingdom for Caesar, sent messengers to Achillas. He told him that he should follow the business and not desist in the war. The messengers were approached and apprehended and Pothinus was put to death by Caesar. [Caesar, Civil War, l.3.) After this, Caesar kept the young king in strict custody and by this he more exasperated the minds of the Egyptians. (Dio, l.42.)
  21. While these things were happening in Egypt, Domitius Calvinus marched against Pharnaces with long and continual marches. He camped not far from Nicapolis, [a city of Armenia the Less built by Pompey which Pharnaces had already seized to live in.] About seven miles from there, Pharnaces had made ambushs for him which failed. The next day, Domitius moved closer and brought his camp even to the town. Pharnaces set his men in battle array after his own custom and fashion. The next night Pharnaces intercepted the messengers who brought the letters to Domitius concerning the Alexandrian affairs. By this, he knew of the danger of Caesar and the recalling of Domitius. He accounted it as good as a victory if he stalled for time. When Domitius should have been more concerned with the danger of Caesar than his own, he brought his soldiers from the camp and prepared the fight. He placed the 36th legion in the right wing, the Pontic troops on the left and the legions of Dejotarus in the middle of the battle formation. When both armies were in battle array, they came to fight. The Pontic legion was almost wholly lost and most of Dejotarus' soldiers were killed. The 36th legion retreated into the mountains and only lost about 250 men. In spite of this, Domitius rallied the remains of his scattered army and returned to Asia by safe journeys through Cappadocia since winter was now approaching. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 484.; Dio, l.42.)
  22. Caesar and the Alexandrians fought hard against one another with fortifications and works. Caesar tried most of all to isolate that part of the city which a marsh had made the narrowest from the other part of the city. Using works and ramparts, he hoped that, first, the city would be divided into two parts. Then his army would be united under him again. Also, if they were in any danger, help could be brought to him from the other part of the city. Most importantly, he wanted the abundant fresh water supply from the marsh. The Alexandrians sent messengers into all parts of Egypt to enlist men. They brought into the town all sorts of engines and weapons that are described in detail by Hirtius. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  23. When Caesar saw the number of the enemy increasing, he began to take notice of an agreement between them. He ordered that Ptolemy be placed where he might be heard of the Egyptians. He was to tell them that he was not harmed in any way and that there was no need for this war. They should make peace and he would take care that the conditions were kept. However, the Egyptians suspected that he was made to do this on purpose by Caesar and still carried on their war. (Dio, l.42.) They said that Caesar must be quickly driven out. Caesar could not receive help by sea because of the storms and the season of the year. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  24. In the interim, the dissention increased between Achillas, the general of the old army, and Arsinoe, the younger daughter of Ptolemy [Auletes]. Both were plotting and scheming against each other. While Achillas aimed at the taking the kingdom, Arsinoe thwarted him with the help of Ganymedes, the eunuch and her foster father. She took over it and put to death Achillas and pretended that he would have betrayed the fleet. After he was killed, she alone enjoyed the whole kingdom and Ganymedes was made the general of the army. When he had assumed that charge, he increased the soldiers' pay and acted in all things with similar care and discretion. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.; Dio, l.42.)
  25. Alexandria was riddled with underground channels and these connected to the Nile River. By these, water was brought into private houses. The water settled with time and became drinkable. Ganymedes blocked those channels and all the parts of the city where Caesar's forces were besieged. He pumped salt water into these channels so Caesar's forces did not have fresh water to drink and began to think of fleeing. This advice was not well received and Caesar ordered that wells should be dug in the night. A large quantity of fresh water was found and all the laborious work of the Alexandrians came to nought. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  26. Two days later, the 37th legion composed of those soldiers of Pompey that surrendered themselves and were shipped by Domitius Calvinus. They came to the shores of Africa a little above Alexandria with supplies of grain, arms, weapons and engines. The other legion which was sent by him though Syria by land, had not yet arrived to Caesar. With the etesian winds continually blowing, these ships stood at anchor and could not get into the harbour. When Caesar knew of this, he sailed and ordered his fleet to follow him. He did not take any soldiers with him lest he should leave the forts short of men to defend them. When he came to a steep place called Chersonesus, he set some sailors ashore for fresh water. Some of them were intercepted who told the enemy that indeed Caesar was in the fleet and he had no soldiers in the ships. Therefore they rigged their whole navy and met with Caesar as he returned with the legion of Domitius. Although Caesar did not want to fight that day, a Rhodian ship which was placed in the right wing and far from the rest, was attacked by four covered ships of the enemy and some open ones. Caesar was forced to help them and got the victory. If night had not fallen and stopped the battle, Caesar would have defeated the whole fleet of the enemy. (Dio, l.42.)
  27. Although the Egyptians were defeated, yet they were again encouraged by Ganymedes. Although they had lost 110 long ships in the haven and arsenal, yet they started earnestly to repair their fleet. For that purpose, they gathered together all the ships from all the mouths of the Nile River and from the private arsenals that belonged to the king. In a few days, beyond the belief of all men, they made a fleet of 22 ships. They had galleys with four tiers of oars and five with five tiers plus many smaller and open ones. They furnished them with soldiers and outfitted them for battle. (Dio, l.42.) They opened the entrance of the harbour and placed their ships in the road and troubled the Romans very much. (Dio, l.42.)
  28. Caesar had nine Rhodian ships, [for of the ten that were sent, one was lost in the voyage on the Egyptian shore] eight ships from Pontus, five Lycian and twelve from Asia. Of these five were with five tiers of oars and ten with four. The rest were cargo ships and many were open. With these, Caesar sailed about Pharos and took up a position opposite the enemy's ships. There were sandbars between the two fleets with a very narrow passage. They stayed in that position for a long time while they waited to see who would first cross the passage. The one who crossed first would easily be overcome by the whole enemy fleet before the rest could pass and come to the battle. The Rhodian ships asked that they might be the first to cross. By their singular skill, they withstood the whole fleet of the enemy and never turned their sides to them so that they made a safe passage for the rest to follow and to come to the battle. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  29. Caesar won the victory and did not lose a single ship. On the Alexandrian side, one galley with five tiers of oars was captured and one with two tiers of oars. All the soldiers and sailors on these were captured too. Three ships were sunk and the rest fled to the town of Pharos which was near them. The citizens defended these ships from the forts and buildings which were over them and kept Caesar from getting close. They were routed out of there immediately by the industry of the Romans and lost both the town and island and many of their men. The island was joined to the continent by a double bridge, one of which was abandoned by the enemy. The Romans easily captured it. On the other bridge, through the rashness of some, the Romans were attacked and routed. They fled to their ships. Some of them got to the next ships which were sunk by the number and weight of the men. Some fought and did not know what to do and were killed by the Alexandrians. Some Romans escaped to safety to the ships that were at anchor. A few swam to the next ships. Caesar retired into his own ship. When a large number that followed would have broken in on him, he guessed what would happen. He jumped from the ship and swam to those ships which were farther off. From there he sent boats to help those who were in danger and saved some of them. His own ship sank when it was overloaded with the number of soldiers and a number of troops drowned. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  30. It is not to be forgotten about Caesar what Hirtius did not mention but is remembered by Suetonius, (Suetonius, in Julio, c.64.) and by Orosius who follows him, (Orosius, l.6. c.15.). When he escaped by swimming to the next ship, he held up his left hand so that his commentaries should not get wet. This is also mentioned by Plutarch, (Plutarch, in Caesar) and Dio. (Dio, l.42.) Appian, (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 523.) related the story thus. Caesar was surrounded alone on the bridge by the enemy that pressed on him. He cast off his purple coat and leaped into the sea. The king's soldiers pursued him and he swam a long time under water and lifted his head only to get air. He swam to an only ship and by holding up his hands to them was recognised and saved. Although Suetonius wrote that he held his soldier's coat in his mouth and dragged it behind him so that the enemy should not get it. However Florus, (Florus, l.4. c. 2.) along with Plutarch stated that he left it in the waves either by chance or on purpose so that the enemies who were pursuing him would shoot at it with their arrows and stones. When the Egyptians got the coat, they fixed it to a monument which they had erected for their putting the enemy to flight as if they had taken the general himself. Thus says Appian and Dio. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 484.; Dio, l.42.)
  31. In this fight, about 400 soldiers from the legions and a few more of the soldiers who belonged to the fleet and sailors, were killed. In that place the Alexandrians built a citadel and strengthened it with forts and many engines of war. They took the stones from the sea. They made use of the place more freely for the base for sending out their ships, (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  32. In the meanwhile, Mithridates of Pergamos quickly gathered large forces from Syria and Cilicia through the extreme good will of the cities and his own diligence. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.) When he first came alone to Askelon, he sent for Antipater, the governor of Judea, to come to him. He brought 3000 soldiers with him and brought it to pass by his influence that Hyrcanus, the hight priest, and other governors joined their forces together. Strabo related this from Hypsicrates, [an historian of the Phoenicians] (Josephus, Wars, l.14. c.15.) For Antipater had agreed with the princes of the Arabians that they also should come to his aid. By his means especially with great earnestness, Iamblicus, the governor, Ptolemy's son and Tholomy, the son of Sohemus, who lived at Mount Libanus and almost all the cities of Syria sent help for Caesar. (Josephus, Wars, l.14. c.15.)
  33. When the Alexandrians saw that the Romans were more zealous by the losses they recently had and that they were encouraged as well by losses as by success, they sent ambassadors to Caesar. They wanted him to let their king go free and come to them. For a large number were weary of the war and would do whatever the king wished them to do. Caesar thought that by the king's means, they may become Caesar's friends and they would stop fighting. Although Caesar knew that the fidelity both of the king and Alexandrians was suspect, he let him go. He knew by his coming that the enemy's strength would not be increased and the war against a king would be the more glorious. Caesar advised him to take care of his kingdom and to honour the fidelity that he owed to himself and the people of Rome. The king faked his joy by his tears and desired that he might not be let go. When Caesar sent him away, he eagerly pursued the war against Caesar. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.; Dio, l.42.)
  34. The Alexandrians found that their new general made them no stronger and the Romans were no weaker. Worse, the soldiers daily mocked the age and weakness of the king. They were much grieved and neither saw how they could help themselves. There were reports that there were large forces coming to Caesar by land from Syria and Cilicia [which yet Caesar heard nothing of.] They determined to intercept the provisions which were brought to the Romans by sea. Therefore they rigged their ships and stationed them in convenient places about Canopus in the channel. They watched for ships bringing the provisions. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.) Since the soldiers that Caesar had sent for from Syria were now approaching, they guarded all the shores and did much harm to those forces. Those who were on the African side, brought some help to Caesar. At the mouths of the Nile River, the Egyptians made many fires as if they had been Romans. They took many by this deceit so that the rest dared not come there. (Dio, l. 42.)
  35. Thereupon Caesar commanded his fleet to be rigged, over which Tiberius Nero was the commander. In this fleet, the Rhodian ships included his flagship, the Euphranor. This ship was in every battle and was always victorious but was unlucky in this battle. When they came to Canopus, both fleets stood facing one another. The Euphranor, according to Nero's custom, started the battle and had sank one of the enemy's ships. She followed the chase of the next ship too far and his own side followed too slowly after him. He was surrounded by the Alexandrians and was all alone. He fought valiantly in this battle and died alone with his conquering ship. However, the enemies were defeated in this battle that Tiberius Nero had started so that his own side might safely sail to land. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.; Dio, l.42.)
  36. About the same time, Mithridates from Pergamos came from Syria by land where Egypt joined Syria. He brought large forces to Pelusium. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.) He tried to go by the mouth of the Nile River which is at Pelusium up stream. The Egyptians had blocked by night the entrance with their ships which were carried into the channel. He transported his ships there, [for it did not reach as far as to the sea] and he went into the Nile River with his ships. He suddenly attacked those who guarded the mouths of the Nile River simultaneously from sea and from the river. He took control of the mouths and attacked Pelusium with his fleet and land forces. (Dio, l.42) This town was controlled by Achillas with a strong garrison because of its strategic position. [All Egypt was thought sufficiently fortified from any access by sea to it by Pharos and by land to Pelusium.] He suddenly surrounded it with large forces. The defenders stoutly defended it with a strong garrison of men but were overcome. The large number of the attackers was constantly maintained by Mithridates. He replaced any men that were wounded and weary and so by maintained a constant attack. He overcame it in the same day that he attacked it and then stationed a garrison of his own there. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.) Antipater acted valiantly for after he broke down a piece of the wall, he was the first to break in, allowing the rest to follow. (Josephus, Wars, l.14. c.14.)
  37. The Egyptian Jews who lived in that country called Onias, would not allow Mithridates and Antipater to march to Caesar. Antipater tried to win them over to his side since they were both fellow countrymen. He showed them the letters from Hyrcanus, the high priest, in which they were invited to be friends to Caesar and to provide him food and supplies for his army. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c14.) However, Asinius [that is, Trallianus, a writer of the civilwar] wrote that Hyrcanus himself, the high priest, invaded Egypt with Mithridates as Josephus related from Strabo. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.15.) Also those words of Caesar about Hyrcanus seem to confirm this and were inscribed on a brazen table by him in favour of Hyrcanus. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17.) "In the last Alexandrian war, he came to our aid with 1500 soldiers and was sent by me to Mithridates. He surpassed all those in his company in valour."
  38. The Jews, the inhabitants of the country of Onias, willingly submitted through the authority of Antipater and Hyrcanus. When those who lived around Memphis heard this, they also sent for Mithridates to come to them. When he came, they also joined his side. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.14.)
  39. King Ptolemy knew that Mithridates approached close to the place which is called Delta, because of its similarity to the Greek letter D. This was not far from Alexandria. Ptolemy knew that he must cross the Nile River. Therefore, he sent large forces against him so that he may either defeat him or prevent him from joining Caesar. Those forces which first crossed over the river at the delta, met with Mithridates and began the fight. They hurried to prevent those who followed lest they should share in the victory. Mithridates withstood their attack with great prudence. He entrenched his camp after the Roman custom. When he saw the attackers carelessly and proudly coming up even to his fortifications, he made a general sally and killed a large number of them. The rout was so complete that they all would have been killed unless the rest had hid themselves in secret places or retired to the boats they used to cross the river. After they were a little recovered from their fear, they joined with those who followed and began a fresh attack on Mithridates. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  40. This battle was fought near the place that is called the Camp of Judah. Mithridates commanded the right wing and Antipater the left wing. Mithridates' wing began to waver and likely would have been routed, unless Antipater quickly marched along the riverside with his forces. They had already defeated his enemies and came to Mithridates' rescue. They forced the Egyptians to flee who were defeating Mithridates. They so hotly pursued after those who fled that Antipater took over the enemies' camp. He shared the plunder with Mithridates and pursued the enemy and he had left Mithridates far behind him. Mithridates lost 800 of his men and Antipater only 50 [or 80, (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.7.)] When Mithridates told Caesar of these things he stated plainly that Antipater was the cause of the victory and their preservation. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.15.)
  41. Almost at the same time also King Ptolemy marched out to surprise Mithridates and Caesar came to rescue him. The king took the quickest route by the Nile River where he had a large fleet already rigged. Caesar did not take the same route lest he would be forced to fight with his fleet. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.) Therefore he sailed by night as though he hurried to one of the mouths of the Nile. He carried many lights on all his ships so that the Egyptians would think he was sailing in that direction. At first went out with his fleet but later he put out his lights and sailed back again. He sailed around the city and he arrived at a peninsula that joined to Africa and landed his soldiers. They marched around the marsh (Dio, l.42.) and met with the king's forces before they could attack Mithridates. He defeated them and was received safely with his army. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  42. The king with his army took up the higher ground in a place that was naturally well fortified. Caesar was about seven miles from him and there was a river between them. In crossing the river, he would have to fight with the Alexandrians. He crossed it and killed a large number of the Alexandrians that tried to hinder his crossing. Caesar camped a short distance from the king's camp and had joined it to his camp by the outer works. His soldiers pursued the Alexandrians that fled from there even to their camp and came up to their fortifications. They began to fight bravely at a distance but they were wounded with arrows from various places. Those who were behind them fought from the river in which were many ships that were well manned with slingers and archers. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  43. When Caesar perceived that his men could not fight more bravely, and yet could not prevail because of the difficulty of the places, he saw that the highest place of the camp was deserted by the Alexandrians because it was naturally well fortified. They had come down into the place where the battle was, partly to see and partly to fight. Therefore he commanded his cohorts go around the camp and to capture that highest ground. He put Casulenus in command of this for he was an excellent man both in valour and knowledge of military affairs. As soon as they arrived there, only a few were left to defend the camp. Caesar's soldiers fought bravely and the Alexandrians were frightened with the shouting and fighting of their adversaries and began a general rout. The Romans were so encouraged by their disorder that they captured almost on all sides, the whole camp. However, they first took the highest place of the camp. These ran down and killed a huge number in the camp. To escape this danger, the Alexandrians fled and by heaps cast themselves over the rampart on that side that faced the river. The other side was being overwhelmed with the great violence of the battle so that the rest had the easier escape. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  44. It is certain that the king fled from the camp and that he was received into a ship and that he died there when the overloaded ship sank because of the large number who swam to the ships that were nearest. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.; Livy, l.112.; Dio, l.42.; Orosius, l.6. c. 16.) His body wallowed in the mud and rolled to the bank of the Nile. It was identified by the golden breastplate which he wore [such as the Ptolemy's used to wear, as Julius Capitolinus confirms in Maximinius the Younger] (Florus, l.4. c.2.; Eutropius, l.6.; Orosius, l.6. c. 16.) After the death of his father, Auleres, he lived 3 years and 8 months. Thereupon Porphyry attributed four years to his reign. (Scaliger, in Grac. Eusebius, p. 226.)
  45. In this battle 20,000 men were killed and 12,000 surrendered. Seventy long ships were captured. Caesar lost 500 men. (Orosius, l.6. c.16.) In this battle, Antipater was also wounded. Caesar used him in valiant service in his most dangerous adventures. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c. 15.)
  46. In confidence by this great victory, Caesar marched the next day by land to Alexandria with his cavalry. He entered that part of the town as conqueror which was held by a garrison of the enemies. However, all the townsmen cast away their arms and left the forts. They put on the clothes they usually wore when they wanted to supplicate their governors. They brought out all their sacred things of their religion with which they were accustomed to appease the offended and enraged minds of their kings. They came and met Caesar and submitted to him. Caesar took them into his protection and comforted them. He came through the enemy's fortifications to his own part of the town with great shouting of his own soldiers. They not only rejoiced that the battle was successful but also that his arrival was so joyful. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  47. In the marble calender records, (Inscript. Cruter. p. 133) on the date of the 6th of April, it is thus noted. "HOC DIE CAESAR ALXAND. RECEPIT." "This day Caesar recovered Alexandria." Since the year was then reckoned at Rome that day was on the 14th of the Julian January. Hence the was Alexandrian war over. Caesar fought this war in an unfavourable place at a poor time to fight since it was in the winter. (Suetonius, in Julio, c.35.)
  48. After Caesar had conquered Egypt, he did not subject it to the dominion of the Romans but gave it to Cleopatra for whose sake he had carried on the war. He feared lest the Egyptians would not like being under a queen and by this he would stir up the Romans against him for doing this and for being too familiar with Cleopatra. Therefore, he ordered that she should marry her brother who was still alive and that they should hold the kingdom in common between them. This he did only for appearances' sake. For indeed the whole kingdom was committed to Cleopatra, for her husband was only a child of age eleven. [Thereupon, Strabo said he was a very youth. (Strabo, l.17. p. 796.)] However, she could do anything with Caesar. Therefore under the pretence of marriage with her brother and of sharing the kingdom equally with her husband, she alone ruled over all. She was too familiar with Caesar also. These things Dio has related more honestly. (Dio, l.42.) Hirtius stated them more mildly in favour of Caesar, thus: (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.) "After Caesar had conquered Egypt, he made those kings whom Ptolemy had appointed in his will and earnestly asked the people of Rome that they would not alter it. Since the king, the older of the two sons was dead, he turned over the kingdom to the younger son and to Cleopatra, the older of two daughters. She remained under his protection and quarters."
  49. Suetonius stated: (Suetonius, in Julio, c.35.) "After Caesar had the victory, he granted the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra and her younger brother. He feared to make it a province lest at some time or another, they had a rebellious leader who might start a new rebellion."
  50. Cleopatra and Caesar feasted many times and sat up until break of day. He sailed with her on the Nile River with 400 ships. He was in the same galley with her that was called Thalamegos. He crossed Egypt as far as Ethiopia but his army refused to follow him any farther. (Suetonius, in Julio, c.52.; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 484.)
  51. At Alexandria, Caesar erected a brazen pillar which contained the liberties that he had granted to the Jews. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17., contra Appion, l.2. p. 1063.)
  52. Pharnaces had become famous because of his successes. He hoped all things would happen to Caesar as he wished they would. He seized on Pontus with all his forces and conquered it. He was a most cruel king. Since he thought he should have better fortune than his father had, he conquered many towns and plundered the goods of the citizens of Rome and of Pontus. He decreed punishments for those that were commendable for either beauty or age that were worse than death itself. He got Pontus when there was no one to defend it and bragged that he had recovered his father's kingdom. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  53. He mainly displayed his cruelty on Amisus, a city of Pontus. After it had resisted a long time, he won it by storm and put to death all the men that were of age and gelded all that were under age. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 484.; Dio, l.42.)
  54. Asander, to whom Pharnaces had committed the government of Bosphorus, tried to curry favour with the Romans and hoped to get the kingdom of Bosphorus for himself. He made an insurrection against his master. (Dio, l.42.)
  55. Caesar sent letters from Egypt to M. Cicero that he should stay where he was and that he should retain the name of imperator [for the victory that he had won in Cilicia.] Pansa carried these letters to him. Cicero returned his fasces adorned with laurel, for him to keep as long as he thought himself fit. (Cicero, pro Ligario) For after he left the province of Cilicia, he had not as yet entered Rome but was accompanied by his lictors everywhere with him, hoping in vain for a triumph. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.11. epist. 6.) Caesar's letters were delivered to Cicero the day before the ides of August (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.14. epist. ult.) or the last day of the Julian May.
  56. After Pharnaces had captured Bithynia and Cappadocia, he planned to take Armenia the Less. He incited all the kings and tetrarchs of that country to rebel. (Plutarch, in Caesar) He also marched into Asia in hope of the same success that his father Mithridates had there. (Dio, l.42.)
  57. Appian stated that Caesar spent nine months in Egypt, (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 484.) and Cleopatra had either kept him there longer or accompanied him on his voyage to Rome. Pharnaces forced him to leave Egypt against his will and hindered his speedy march into Italy. (Dio, l.42.) A short time later, Cleopatra gave birth to a son by him whom the Alexandrians called Caesarion. (Plutarch, in Caesar) That name was given to the son by the mother by the permission of Caesar himself. (Suetonius, in Julio., c.52.) Plutarch (Plutarch, in Antony) seems to intimate that after Caesar's death, she, had too much familiarity with his enemy Cneus Pompey, the oldest son of Pompey the Great.
  58. Caesar brought from the kingdom, Arsinoe, the younger sister of Cleopatra, in the name of whom Ganimedes had a long time most tyrannically reigned. He wanted to prevent a future rebellion that might arise through seditious men. He wanted to keep her away until time had confirmed the authority of the king. He took his 6th veteran legion and he left three other legions there so that the king's authority might be confirmed. He could not keep the affections of his own subjects because both the king and the queen had constantly persevered in Caesar's friendship. Neither could they claim any basis for their authority since they were new to the throne. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.; Suetonius, c.76.)
  59. After Caesar had finished and settled all things, he marched by land into Syria. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.; Suetonius, c.35.; Plutarch, in Julius Caesar; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 484.; Orosius, l.6. c.16.) Josephus wrote that he sailed to Syria (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c. 15.) and Hirtius later confirmed this.
  60. The news of Caesar's departure from Alexandria, came to Italy on July 5th, [Julian April 23rd] (Cicero, ad Attic., l.11. epist. 19.) C. Trebonius left Caesar at Antioch who went from Seleucia Pieria. In a 28 day journey, the 13th day before September, [Julian June 3rd] he came into Italy. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.11. epist. 13.) From this it is deduced that Caesar was at Antioch 14 days before August. [Julian May 6th]
  61. Johannes Malela Autiochenus, in the ninth book of his Chronicle, [an unpublished manuscript] noted that on the twelfth day of the month, Artemisiusm, or May, there was an edict publicly proposed in the city of Antioch, concerning the empire of Julius Caesar. On the 20th of the same month, another edict was sent out from Julius Caesar concerning the liberty of the same city. It said: En Anpoceia tw mwtropld
  62. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar to complain to him about his father's misfortune. For, by siding with Caesar he was poisoned by Pompey's side. His brother was beheaded by Scipio. Antigonus wanted Caesar to have pity on him since he was expelled from his father's kingdom. He likewise accused Hyrcanus and Antipater that they by force had taken over the government. They did not hold back from wronging him. He also accused them that they sent help into Egypt to Caesar not so much for good will but for fear of the ancient animosity and that they might be freed from punishment for their loyalty to Pompey. However, Antipater pleaded his own cause and justified himself and accused Antigonus. He recalled what work he had taken for Caesar in the last wars. He showed the number of his wounds and made them the witness of the truth of his words. When Caesar heard this, he made Hyrcanus the high priest and offered Antipater any government he asked and made him governor of Judea. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.8., Antiq. l.14. c.15.)
  63. Caesar also decreed that Hyrcanus and his children should in perpetuity retain the government and high priesthood of the Jews, according to the custom of the country and he was taken into the number of his friends and allies. If there arose any controversy concerning the discipline of the Jews, Hyrcanus should decide it. Moreover, he would not be forced to quarter soldiers in winter nor would he pay taxes. A brazen table containing these things was to be erected in the capitol and in the temples at Tyre, Sidon and Askelon. It was engraved in Latin and Greek. These decrees were to be sent into all places. (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.17.)
  64. After Caesar had stayed in almost all the cities of Syria that were of any note, he distributed both publicly and privately rewards to them that deserved them. He was made aware of and settled old controversies. Also kings and tyrants, governors of the provinces and borders, [who all came to him] he took under his protection on conditions he imposed on them for the keeping and defending of the provinces. He dismissed his friends and the friends of the people of Rome. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  65. Caesar took away at Tyre all the things that were dedicated to Hercules, because they had entertained Pompey and his wife in their flight. (Dio, l.42.)
  66. After some days had been spent in the province of Syria, he gave the command of the legions and Syria to Sextus Caesar, his friend and relative. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.) Dio wrote that he committed all things to the charge of Sextus, his treasurer and cousin. (Dio, l.47.) Appian stated that there was a legion left in Syria by him even when he was thinking of the Parthian war. The honour of governor was granted to his relative, Sextus Julius who was a young man. (Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 573., l.4. p. 923.)
  67. After Caesar had ordered the affairs in Syria, he went to Cilicia in the same fleet that he came in. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.; Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.16.) He called all the cities of which province to him to Tarsus. There he ordered all things concerning the province and the neighbouring cities. He did not stay there long because he wanted to settle the war in Pontus. (Hirtius, de bell. Alexandrin.)
  68. Here he pardoned Tarcondimotus [of whom mention is made formerly, (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.15.)] who had a part of Cilicia under him and had greatly helped Pompey by sea. (Dio, l.41.)
  69. After Antipater had followed Caesar from Syria, he returned into Judea. As he was making his rounds through the province, he repressed by threats and advice those who were rebellious. He told them that if they would be content with their prince Hyrcanus, they would live happily in their own land. If they thought they could do better by rebelling, they would have him as master instead of a governor and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king and Caesar and the Romans would be most bitter enemies instead of princes. Because of this they would not at all allow anything to be changed from what they had settled. When as Antipater knew that Hyrcanus was dull and idle, he settled the state of the province as he pleased and truly made Phasaclus, his older son, the governor of Jerusalem and the neighbouring countries. He gave the care of Galilee to Herod who was his second oldest son and a very young man. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.8., Antiq., l.14. c.16,17.)
  70. Josephus stated that Herod was only 15 years old at that time. (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c. 17.) The following references retain the same number. (Rusinus in his translation of Josephus; Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 258.; Pseudogoronides the Hebrew, l.5. c.3.; Nicephorus Calistus, Ecclesiast. Histor. l.1. c.6.) However, the first historians, Ptolemy and Nicholas Damascenus, who wrote of Herod, from whom Josephus took his information, wrote 25 instead of 15. It is an easy mistake for the transcribers to confuse kefor ie. It was 43 and an half years from this time to the death of Herod. If we add 25 years to this we get his age at death of 68 and an half years. If he had lived six months longer, he would have been in his 70th year. Josephus himself acknowledges, that when he was dying that he was almost in his 70th year.
  71. Phasaclus had a son born whom was called also Phasaclus by his wife Salampsio, the daughter of Herod and Mariame. (Josephus, Antiq., l.18. c.7.) He was only 7 years old when his father died. (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.25.)
  72. Pharnaces planned an expedition against Asander who had revolted from him in the Bosphorus. When he heard that Caesar was coming quickly into Armenia, he was terrified and more afraid of Caesar who led the invasion than of his army. He sent many ambassadors to treat for peace before Caesar marched too close to him. He hoped that by any means, he might avoid this immediate danger. He made this his main pretence that he had never helped Pompey. He also hoped that he might induce Caesar to some peace terms because he was hurrying into Italy and Africa. Then after his departure, he might renew his planned war. Caesar suspected as much and courteously entertained his first and second ambassadors so that he might take him by surprise while he was still hoping for peace. (Dio, l.42.)
  73. Caesar made long marches through Cappadocia and stayed two days at Mazace. Then he came to Comana, the most ancient temple of Bellona [goddess of war] in Cappadocia. She was worshipped with such great devotion that her priest was considered by the whole country second only to the king in majesty, command and power. (Strabo, l.12. p. 535.) Caesar decreed this priesthood on Nicomedes of Bithynia who was a most noble man and of the family of the Cappadocian kings. He recovered the right that was undoubtedly his, although it was long interrupted. (Hirtius) Although Caesar confirmed the commands which they had received from Pompey to others who had taken part with Pompey against him, he transferred the priesthood of the Comanians from Archelaus to Nicomedes. (Appian, in Mithridaticus, p. 254.) Pompey had given it to his father Archelaus, the husband of Cleopatra's elder sister, who was killed in Egypt by Gabinius. (Strabo, l.12. p. 558.)
  74. When Caesar came close to Pontus and the borders of Galatia, Dejotarus the tetrarch of Galatia came to Caesar. He claimed the state of Armenia the Less which the senate had granted to him but was disputed by the rest of the tetrarchs who said it never belonged to him by law or custom. Dejotarus set aside his royal robes and dressed like a common man who was guilty. He fell prostrate at Caesar's feet and begged his pardon in that he had served in Cn. Pompey's army. He made the excuse that he did not know what was happening in Italy and that he was forced to do this because he was surrounded by Pompey's armies. Caesar rejected his excuse but he said he would grant him his request for his former benefit, for his old acquaintance and friendship's sake, for the dignity and age of the man and at the intreaty of many of Dejotarus' friends and acquaintances who came to intercede on his behalf. Caesar said that he would later decide the controversies of the tetrarchs and he restored his royal robes to him. However, he ordered the Dejotarus' legion brought to him. Dejotarus had formed it from his own men who were trained up in the Roman discipline. Caesar also wanted all his cavalry to be brought to him to serve him in the Pontic war. (Appian, in Mithridaticus, p. 254.) Caesar fined his old acquaintance Dejotarus a sum of money and gave Armenia the Less, that was given to Dejotarus by the senate and currently occupied by Pharnaces, to Ariobarzanes, the king of Cappadocia. (Cicero, in Orat. Philippic. 2. de divination. l.1. & 2.; Dio, l.41.)
  75. Cicero made a speech for that king that Domitius paid his fine by two or three times selling his own private goods at a public sale. Caesar could then use the money in the war. Also to gain Caesar's favour, he told Caesar this about the matter: "What he keeps by your means, he keeps in memory, not what he lost. Neither does he think that he was punished by you but since he thought that many things were to be given by you to many men, he did not refuse but that you might take some from him who was on the other side. &c. Oh Caesar, you have given all things to Dejotarus since you have granted the name of king even to his son. As long as he retains and keeps this name, he thinks that no favour of the people of Rome nor any sentence of the senate made in his favour, is diminished."
  76. When Caesar was come into Pontus, he made a rendezvous of all his forces into one place. They were varied in number and in martial discipline except the 6th legion which was a veteran legion that he had brought with him from Alexandria. [However, through the labours and hazards they had undergone, they were so undermanned because of difficulties both by sea and land and partly by frequent skirmishes that they were under a thousand men.] The rest were three legions, one was from Dejotarus and two were in the battle that Cnidius Domitius had with Pharnaces. (Hirtius)
  77. Pharnaces was frightened by the approach of Caesar and sent ambassadors to treat for peace. They brought a golden crown to him when he was 25 miles away and very foolishly offered him their king's daughter in marriage. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 484.) First of all, they begged that he would not come as an enemy for Pharnaces would do whatever he would order him to. They especially reminded him that Pharnaces had sent no forces to Pompey against Caesar whereas Dejotarus who had sent some troops, was received into Caesar's favour. Caesar replied that he would be very favourable to Pharnaces if he would do all things as he promised. However, he advised the ambassadors in mild terms as was his custom that they should neither object about Dejotarus to him or too much brag of that favour that they had not sent help to Pompey. (Hirtius) He also accused Pharnaces for this very thing that he had been wicked and ungrateful toward his benefactor. (Dio. l.41,42.) In summing up, he ordered him to get out of Pontus and that he should send back the families of the publicans. He should restore to him the allies and citizens of Rome who were in his possession. If he would do this, Caesar said that he would then accept those presents which the generals were accustomed to receive from their friends after a war was happily ended. (Hirtius)
  78. Pharnaces liberally promised all things and he hoped that Caesar would want to hurry to Rome and that he would more willingly believe his promises. He began to go more slowly about his business and to ask for more time for his departure and to interpose new conditions and in short to disappoint Caesar. Caesar knew his craft and hurried his business so much the more so that he would come to fight with him sooner than anyone would think. (Hirtius)
  79. As soon as Caesar came to Pharnaces' camp, he said, "Shall not now this parricide [murderer of parents] be punished?" He mounted his horse and at the first shout that was given, he routed the enemy and made a great slaughter. Caesar was helped by 1000 cavalry that followed him when he first rushed into the battle. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 485.; Dio, l.42) The same day that Caesar came to the enemy after his march, he went to fight with the enemy. He was sometimes troubled with the enemy's cavalry and their chariots armed with scythes. Caesar finally obtained the victory. Julius Frontinus (Julius Frontinus, Stratagemat. l.2. c.2.) noted that Caesar marshalled his army on an hill and this made for an easier victory. The arrows that were shot from above on the barbarians below, made them quickly flee. Dejotarus was in the battle with Caesar against Pharnaces and risked his life. (Cicero, pro Dejotarus)
  80. This battle was fought around the mountain Scotium which is not more than three miles from the city of Zela. It was near here that Mithridates, the father of Pharnaces, defeated Triarius and the Roman army with a great slaughter. (Hirtius; Plutarch, in Caesar; Appian, in Mithridatic. p. 254; Dio, l.42.) In this mountain, Pharnaces [that we many represent the story of this fight more accurately from Hirtius] had repaired the old works of his father's camp five miles from the enemy so that he might control the valleys that were next to the king's camp. The next night in the fourth watch, Caesar left his camp with all his legions but without any baggage and captured that very place where Mithridates had fought against Triarius.
  81. As soon as it was day and Pharnaces knew this, he drew out all his forces before his camp. They were encouraged either by the good fortune Mithridates had in that place or were persuaded by tokens and ceremonies [which we later heard he did obey, stated Hirtius] or through contempt of the fewness of the Roman forces. Many of these had already been defeated under Domitius. Pharnaces, of his own accord in an uneven place attacked the Romans as they were fortifying their camp and terrified them. They were suddenly called from their work and not set in battle array. The king's chariots that were armed with scythes created chaos among the soldiers. However, the chariots were quickly overcome by a huge number of arrows. The main body of the enemy followed these chariots and fought hand to hand. They were overcome first in the right wing where the 6th old veteran legion was placed. Then the left wing and the main body were the whole forces of the king were routed. Many of the soldiers were either killed or trampled by their own men. Those who thought to escape by their swiftness, threw away their arms and crossed the valley. They were met by the Romans coming from the higher ground and perished. The Romans were encouraged by this victory and did not hesitate to climb up that steep place and attacked their works and quickly captured the enemy's camp from those cohorts whom Pharnaces had left to defend it. (Idem)
  82. By this, Caesar ground into the dust Pharnaces in one [and as I may say] not a whole battle like lightning which in one moment, came, hit and departed. Neither was it a vain boast of Caesar's that he had overcome the enemy before he set eyes on him. (Florus, l.4. c.2.) Caesar bragged also that the same day he came to the enemy that he saw him and overcame him. (Dio, l.42.) He wrote in his letters sent to Rome to his friend Aminitius or Anitius, these three words: "VENI, VIDI, VICI," "I came, I saw, I conquered." (Plutarch, in Caesar; Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 485.) Within five days after his arrival and within four hours after he came in sight of him, he had vanquished Pharnaces in only one battle. (Suetonius, Julio, Caesar., c.35.) He often recounted the good luck of Pompey, who happened to get his most honour in the Mithridatic war over so cowardly a kind of enemy. (Plutarch, in Caesar; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 485.)
  83. Pharnaces fled with a few cavalry after the whole multitude of his army was either killed or captured. When the Romans invaded his camp, it gave him an opportunity to escape. Otherwise he would have been brought alive into Caesar's hands. (Hirtius) He fled to Sinope with 1000 cavalry. (Appian, Mithridatic., p. 254.)
  84. Caesar was overjoyed that he had ended so major a war in so short a time. In recalling the sudden danger, he was the more joyous because the victory came so easily after many difficulties. (Hirtius) Caesar gave the soldiers, all the king's baggage and the spoils even though they were considerable. (Appian, Mithridatic., p. 254.; Dio, l.42) In that place, Mithridates had set up a monument for the victory he had over Triarius. Since it was consecrated to the gods, it was not lawful for Caesar to pull it down. He set up one opposite it for his victory over Pharnaces and so obscured it and in a way threw down that monument which Mithridates had set up. After this, he recovered all the things that Pharnaces had taken from the Romans or their allies. He restored to everyone the things they had lost except a part of Armenia which he gave to Ariobarzanes and requited the calamity that the Amiseni endured by giving them their liberty. (Dio, l.42) He ordered the sixth legion to go to Italy to receive the rewards and honours due to them. He sent home the supplies that Dejotarus had brought. He left the two other legions in Pontus with Coelius Vinicianus. He passed through Galatia and Bithynia into Asia. He took notice and settled all the controversies of all those provinces and gave laws to tetrarchs, kings and cities. (Hirtius)
  85. As he passed through Asia, he collected the money which raised great anger against the publicans who secretly exacted it among all the people. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 485.) [P. Servilius Isauricus the colleague of Caesar and Cicero in the Augurship, was proconsul there. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.13. epist. 68.)]
  86. Brithagoras was a man of great authority among the Heracleenses in Pontus and had followed Caesar wherever he went. He even went to this place again for a matter that concerned his countrymen. When Caesar was preparing to return to Rome, Brithagoras died being worn out with old age and continual labours to the great sorrow of his countrymen. (Memnon, in excerptis Photii., c.62.)
  87. Caesar made Mithridates Pergamenus, the king of Bosphorus, [who had carried on the war in Egypt to a good conclusion and very quickly.] He was of the family of the kings and had a royal education. Mithridates, the king of all Asia, had taken him away from Pergamos when he was only a child and carried him into his camp and kept him for many years. By Caesar's action, he so strengthened the provinces of the people of Rome against the barbarians and enemy kings by putting in a king over them that was most friendly to them. (Hirtius) Concerning this man see (Strabo, l.13. p. 625.; Causabon's notes; Appian, in Mithridatic. p. 254.)
  88. He ordered Mithridates to make war upon Asander and become the master of Bosphorus so that he might revenge Asander's treachery against his friend. (Dio, l.42.) Caesar also granted him the tetrarchy of the Trochmans, in Galatia, who bordered on Pontus and Cappadocia. This belonged to him by his mother's right but was seized and in the possession for some years previously by Dejotarus. (Cicero, in (Philippians 2)., de divinat. 2.; Hirtius, de bell. Alexand.; Strabo. l.12. p. 567., l.13. p. 625.; Dio, l.42.)
  89. After this, Caesar sailed into Greece and Italy. He raised large sums of money under any pretence whatever as he had done previously. He exacted some money that had previously been promised to Pompey. He feigned other excuses to raise money also. He also received from the princes and kings, many golden crowns, as it were in honour of the victories he had achieved. He declared that there were two things by which empires were obtained, retained and increased: soldiers and money. One helped the other and that if one of them failed the other must also fail. (Dio. l.42.) "It does not seem that he was at Athens on the first of September, [Julian June 17th] for many things were reported to detain him in Asia, especially Pharnaces. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.11. epist. (24).) However, Pharnaces was so suddenly conquered, [as it is in the epitome of (Livy, l.115.)] and all things so quickly settled, that he came to Italy sooner than anyone imagined."
  90. as Hirtius observes. (Hirtius, Alexandrian war, fin)
  91. Caesar came to Rome just at the end of the year when he was made dictator. [This office had never been an annual office.] He was declared consul for the next year. (Plutarch, in Caesar)
  92. Pharnaces turned over Synope to Domitius Calvinus who was left by Caesar to continue the war against him. He accepted the peace terms and dismissed him with his 1000 cavalry. Calvinus killed their horses which grieved their owners. From their Pharnaces sailed (Appian, in Mithridatic, p. 254.) and fled into Pontus. Appian (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 485.) stated that Pharnaces fled back into the kingdom of Bosphorus that was given to him by Pompey.
  93. Herod, the prefect of Galilee, captured Hezekiah, a Jew, with many accomplices of his thievery, who were accustomed to invade Syria with his bands. Herod put him to death and this gained him much favour with the Syrians. Then he governed the province of Syria. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.8., Antiq. l.14. c.17.)
  94. Phasaelus, was jealous of his brother's glory, and got himself into the favour of the inhabitants of Jerusalem by doing all public business personally and not abusing his power to harm anyone. By this, it came to pass that Antipater, his father, was reverenced by the whole country as if he had been the king. However his fidelity and goodwill which he owed to Hyrcanus, was maintained. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.8., Antiq. l.14. c.17.)
3958 AM, 4667 JP, 47 BC
  1. Caesar undertook an expedition against P. Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey the Great, M. Cato, and Juba, the king of Mauritania. On the 13th day before January, he came to Lilybaeum. From there, on the 5th day before January, he sailed and after four days came within sight of Africa. (Hirtius, de Bell. African., l.1.) The 13th day before January was on the Julian September 30th. This was the year before the institution of the new calendar, as the counting backwards from the long following year of 445 days made in the month of January, the first Julian year. [as will be shown later] Plutarch and Dio did not note this fact. Plutarch stated that Caesar crossed into Sicilia about the winter solstice, (Plutarch, in Caesar) and Dio said that he went into Africa in the middle of winter. (Dio, l.43.) However, that he went into Africa before winter was clearly affirmed by Cicero. (Cicero, de divination., l.2.) "When Caesar was advised that he should not go into Africa before winter, did he not go? No, if he had not gone, all the forces of his adversaries would have made their rendezvous in one place."
  2. On the first of January, [Julian October 13th] Caesar camped at a town called Ruspina. On January 4th, [Julian October 16th] the third day that he landed in Africa, there was a most fierce battle which lasted from five o'clock in the morning until sunset. Caesar defeated Labienus and Petreius. On the 5th day before February, [Julian November 6th] he again defeated the enemy's army under the command of Labienus and Scipio. (Hirtius, de Bell. African., l.1.)
  3. Dio (Dio, l.42.) noted that Pharnaces tried by force to enter into Bosphorus and was cast into prison and put to death by Asander. Appian gives more details. (Appian, Mithridatics, p. (254).) Thus Pharnaces had gathered together a band of Scythians and Sarmatians and captured Theudocia and Panticapeum. When he made war on Asander, his cavalry men who had no horses and were not used to fighting on foot, were defeated. Pharnaces fought valiantly even though he was now 50 years old. He was wounded and killed. He had reigned fifteen years in Bosphorus, as Appian has it, or rather seventeen years. That time is the time from the murder of his father Mithridates.
  4. Caecilius Bassus was an equestrian who fled from the battle of Pharsalus after Pompey was defeated. He lived as a private citizen at Tyre, where some of his own side came to him. He won the favour of these men and the soldiers of Sextus, the governor of Syria. These came at various times to guard the city. Since there was much news brought of Caesar's illfortune in Africa, he became discontent and tried to instigate a revolt. Sextus arrested him for this before he was completely ready. Bassus excused himself by saying that he only raised forces to help Mithridates Pergamenus to capture Bosphorus. So Sextus believed him and let him go. (Dio, l. 47.)
  5. The noble men of the Jews began to detest Antipater and his sons because they were so highly honoured by the Jewish nation and became rich by the money from Hyrcanus and by the revenues from Judea. Antipater made friendship with the Roman generals and by persuaded Hyrcanus to send money to them. He got the credit for this gift as if he had sent it from his own treasury and had not received it from Hyrcanus. When Hyrcanus heard about this, he was not angry but rather contented. However the violence and bold nature of Herod, who was desirous of the government, terrified the princes of the Jews the most. For this reason, they went to Hyrcanus and publicly accused Antipater. They complained most of all of Herod because he had put to death Hezekiah along with many others without any order received from Hyrcanus. This was in contempt of the laws by which no man was punished no matter how wicked unless he was first condemned by the judges. Everyday the mothers also of those who were killed, did not stop complaining and crying in the temple and persuaded both the king and the people that Herod should give an account of his actions before the Sanhedrim. Therefore Hyrcanus yielded to their requests and ordered that Herod be summoned before the council and to plead his own case. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17.)
  6. When Herod had arranged the affairs of Galilee as he thought best for himself, he was warned by his father that he should not go into the counsel alone. He should take with him a moderate but sufficient guard, lest he should terrify Hyrcanus if he brought too many. Neither should he leave himself exposed to any danger from the judgment. When Herod presented himself before the Sanhedrim in his royal robes with his guard in arms, they were all astonished. Neither dared anyone who accused him when he was absent, speak a word against him when he was present. All kept silence not knowing what to do. Then Sameas spoke who was one of the council. He was a just man and for this reason not afraid for that old proverb of the Hebrews showed that he was no hot spirited man. "Be thou humble as Hillel, and not !dpq angry as Sameas"
  7. He accused Herod of presumption and violence but laid the blame on the judges and the king himself, who had granted him such great liberty. He said later that by the just judgment of God, they would be punished by Herod himself. This actually happened for the judges of that council and Hyrcanus were put to death by Herod when he was king. When Hyrcanus saw that the judges were inclined to condemn Herod, he deferred the business until the next day. He privately advised him to take care of himself. So Herod left for Damascus as though he fled from the king. He presented himself before Sextus Caesar. After he had secured his own affairs, Herod professed publicly that if he were again cited before the judges, he would not appear. The judges took this with great disdain and tried to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things would be his downfall. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17.)
  8. When Caesar was in Africa, 11 days before April [Julian October 21st] he mustered his army. The next day he brought out all his forces and set them in battle array. After he had waited long enough for his enemies to come to battle, he knew they were not willing to fight, so he brought his forces into their camp again. (Hirtius, de bell. Afric.)
  9. Caecilius Bassus stated from the letters that he forged that he had received news from Scipio that Caesar was defeated and dead in Africa and that the government of Syria was committed to his charge. Therefore with those soldiers he had secured for that purpose, he seized Tyre and from there marched toward Sextus' forces. He was wounded and defeated and after that did not try to take Sextus by force. (Dio, l.47.)
  10. On the 4th of April, [Julian February 4th] in the third watch of the night, Caesar left the town Agar and marched 16 miles that night. He began to fortify Thapsus that day. Here he had a famous battle and defeated Juba and Scipio. After this battle, Cato committed suicide in Utica. (Hirtius, de bell. Afric.)
  11. When Sextus Caesar had been bribed by Herod, he made him the governor of Coelosyria. Herod was quite upset that he was called before the council and led an army against Hyrcanus. However, by the meeting and intreaties of his father Antipater and brother Phasaelus, he was prevented from invading Jerusalem. They tried to appease him and desired that he should be content with giving them a good fright and do them no harm. He should do no more and obey his father who had given him his power and government. Herod obeyed this advice and thought that he had done sufficient for his future plans and that he had shown the country he was a force to be reckoned with. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17.)
  12. In Africa, Caesar is reported to have seen in his sleep, a great army calling to him and weeping. He was so moved by this dream that he immediately recorded it into his books of remembrances concerning the building of Carthage and Corinth. (Appian, in Lybicus. p. 85.)
  13. Hyrcanus, through his ambassadors, desired that Julius Caesar would confirm the alliance and friendship that was between them. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17.)
  14. Caecilius Bassus sent some of his party to Sextus Caesar's soldiers who should raise their hopes and so ally themselves to him. After they had killed Sextus, they had his own legion come over to his side. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17.; Livy, l.114.; Libo. apud Appian, Civil Wars, l.3. p. 576.; Dio, l.47.) However, this story is reported by others like this. Sextus was a young man and liked pleasure. He poorly treated the legion that Julius Caesar had left in Syria for him. Bassus, to whom the care of the legion was committed, reprehended him for this. Sometimes Sextus reproachfully rejected this advice. One time later when Sextus ordered Bassus to come, he slowly obeyed. Sextus ordered him to be brought by head and shoulders. In this tumult, the two started fighting. When the army could not endure this insolence any longer, they killed Sextus with their arrows. They were soon sorry for what they had done and were afraid of Caesar. They made a conspiracy that if they received no pardon and good assurance of it, they would fight it out to the last man. They also forced Bassus to join the conspiracy. After this, they raised a new company and trained them in the same discipline that they kept. (Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 575,576., l.4. p. 613.)
  15. Bassus took over all the army, except a few who had wintered at Apamea who had left for Cilicia before his arrival. He in vain followed them there. When he returned to Syria, he was nominated praetor and fortified Apamea that he might make that the seat of the war. He enlisted all for the war who were of full age both freemen and servants. He minted money and made arms. (Dio, l.47.)
  16. When Caesar had finished the African war on June 13th [Julian April 14th], he sailed from Utica. After the third day he came to Carales into Sardinia. Two days before July, [Julian April 29th] he went by ship near the shore. On the 28th day after [Julian May 26th] because he was hindered by storms, he came to the city of Rome. (Hirtius, in bell. Africa, in fin.)
  17. Caesar triumphed at Rome four times in the same month with a few days between each triumph. Each one displayed different equipment and provisions. (Suetonius, in Julio, c.37.) The chariot for Gaul, was made of the citron tree, for Pontus, of brazel, for Alexandria, of tortoise shell, and for Africa, ivory. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.56.) In the Pontic triumph among the pageants and shows, he carried before him the title of these three words, "VENI, VIDI, VICI." "I came, I saw, I conquered" This did not signify the acts achieved by him like other conquerors, but the quick execution of this war. (Suetonius, in Julio, c.37.) In this, the flight of Pharnaces made the people laugh. The Alexandrian triumph for Egypt was held between the Gallic and the Pontic ones. In it the actions of Achillas and Photinus were very plausibly presented. [??] (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 491.) Arsinoe, the Egyptian woman and at that time considered a queen, was led among the captives. [This had never happened at Rome before.] This raised much pity in the people for her. After the triumph as a favour to her relatives, she was released. (Dio. l.43.)
  18. Her family, that is her older sister Cleopatra and younger brother Ptolemy, the husband of Cleopatra, came to Rome this year when Caesar invited them. Caesar appointed Cleopatra her lodging in his own house, and sent her away with great honours and rewards and did not care at all for the gossip he created by this. (Dio, l.43.; Suetonius, in Julio. c.52.) Also in the temple of Venus Genetrix, which he built for a vow he made as the battle of Pharsalus was being fought [Dio confirmed it was dedicated this year by him], Caesar set up an image of Cleopatra beside Venus. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 492.)
  19. In Syria, C. Antistius [Vetus] and others from Caesar's captains, came against Caecilius Bassus with cavalry and foot soldiers. He besieged him in Apamea. The neighbouring countries that favoured Caesar's party sent forces to help. Antipater sent forces by his sons as well for the sake of Sextus Caesar who was killed and Julius Caesar who was alive because he was a friend to both of them. They fought for a long time to no ones' advantage. A truce was made with no articles or covenants. They suspended the war to bring in more auxiliaries. (Josephus, Wars, l.1 c.8. fin., Antiq., l.14. c.17. fin.; Dio, l.47.)
  20. Mithridates Pergamenus again plundered the temple of Lencothea [in the country of the Moschi near the Phases River] which was previously plundered by Pharnaces. (Strabo, l.11. p, (498).) Like Pharnaces before him, he tried to seize Bosphorus. Asander [referred to by Strabo as Calander and Lysander] defeated him and so when he had eliminated both of them, Asander quietly enjoyed the kingdom of Bosphorus. (Strabo, l.11. p. 495., l.13. p. 625.)
  21. When Julius Caesar was high priest in his third year and in the consulship of M. Aemihus Lepidus, he ordered the amendment of the Roman year. He had the help of Sosigenes in astronomical matters and of Flavius, a scribe, in arranging the calendar. There were 23 days intercalated in the month of February. He interposed between November and December, two other intercalary months of 67 days. So that this year had 15 months or 445 days. (Censorinus de dic. natali. c.8.; Suetonius, in Julio. c.40.; Pliny l.18. c.25.; Dio, l.43.; Macrob., Saturnal. l.1. c.14.)
3959 AM, 4668 JP, 46 BC
  1. The day before the former intercalary months [Julian September 26th], Cicero made a speech before Caesar for Q. Ligarius. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.6. epist. 14.)
  2. From the month of January, when Caesar started his fourth consulship, the year is reckoned as the first of the new Julian year. From this time, he appointed the beginning of the year as decreed by him. (Censorin., de dic. natali. c.8.)
  3. Caesar made war in Spain with Pompey's sons, 10 days before March and captured the town of Aregna. He was called emperor when the Liberalia [as it is called by (Plutarch, in Caesar)] were celebrated fifteen days before the month of April [as is shown from the old calendar.] He achieved a memorable victory at the city Munda when in the battle 30,000 men on Pompey's side along with the two generals, Labienus and Atius Varus and almost 3000 equestrians were killed. Caesar lost about 1000 men and had about 500 wounded. After his young Cn. Pompey was killed who assumed the ensigns of the consul and the government, his head was presented to Caesar as he was marching to Hispales. This was on April 12th and the head was publicly shown to the people. (Author, commentaries de bell. Hispaniensi.)
  4. The day before the Palilia, [11 days before May] about evening the news of this victory came to Rome. [Dio. l.43.] The day before May, Caesar wrote a consolatory letter from Hispalis to M. Cicero (Cicero, ad Attic., l.23. epist. 20.) for the death of his daughter, Tullia. After the divorce of her mother Terentia, she died at P. Lentulus' house in childbirth (Ascon. Pedian. in orat. Pisonian; Plutarch, in Cicero) when her husband, P. Cornilius Dolabella, was in Spain with Caesar. (Cicero, ad Attic., Philippic. 2. l.13.)
  5. Caius Octavian, the grandchild of his sister, Julia, accompanied Caesar in this war. He was 18 years old and always stayed in the same house with Caesar and always rode in the same coach with him. Caesar honoured this lad with the high priesthood. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c. 59.)
  6. When King Dejotarus was in some trouble, he sent Blesanius, his ambassador, to Spain to Caesar. Caesar, by letters sent to him from Tarracon, bid him be of good hope and good courage. (Cicero, pro Dejotarus)
  7. While the war in Syria with Caecilius Bassus was going on, L. Statius [in Velleius he was called, Staius, and in Appian, Sextius] Murcus [incorrectly called by Josephus, Marcus] who was a former praetor was sent by Julius Caesar as the successor to Sextus. He left Italy with three companies and was valiantly defeated by Bassus. [Velleius Patercius, l.2. c.69.) (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.8. fin., Antiq. l.14. c.17. fin.; Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 576., l.4. p. (623).) The country had well furnished the army of Bassus. He also had many Arabian princes who were allied with him in this war. These controlled many fortified places that were near by. Among these places, was Lysias which was located beyond the lake which is near to Apamea and Arethusa, the country of Sampseranus and of his Iamblycus. (of whom Cicero mentioned in (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.15. epist. 1.)] These princes governed the countries of the Emisseni, Heliopolis and Chalcis. Also there were near those who were under the command of Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, who also governed Marsya and the mountainous places of the Ituraeans. (Strabo, l.26, p. 753.)
  8. Alchaudonius, the Arabian [called Alchaedamus by Strabo] was the king of the Rhambaean nomads who lived near the Euphrates River. They had formerly made a league with Lucullus but later had sent forces to the Parthians against Crassus. Both Bassus and his enemies appealed to them for help. Alchaudonius went into Mesopotamia. When he came to a place that was between Apamea and the camp of Caesar's supporters, before he would answer either side, he proposed that he would help those who gave him the most. In the battle he greatly over powered the enemy by his archery. (Strabo, l.26, p. 753.; Dio, l.47.)
  9. On the 13th of September, Caesar made his last will and testament in his own house at Laticum and committed it to the keeping of the head vestal virgin. In it he appointed three grandchildren of his sister's, as his heirs. C. Octavian received 75% [not 50% as it is in (Livy, l. 116.)], Lucius Pinarius and Q. Pedius received 25%. He also adopted C. Octavian into his name and family. He named also many of his murderers as tutors to his sons if he should happen to have any. He appointed also Decimus Brutus to be one of his second heirs in remainder (Suetonius, in Julio. c.83.) and M. Antony (Dio, l.44.; Florus, l.4. c.4.) if those formerly appointed could not take the inheritance. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 518.)
3960 AM, 4669 JP, 45 BC
  1. In the month of October, Caesar who had now conquered all, entered Rome and pardoned all who fought against him. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.56.) After he had performed the triumph for Spain, in the beginning of this month, he retired from the consulship. He instituted a new order by substituting honourary consuls. He made Q. Fabius Maximus and C. Trebonius the consuls for three months. (Dio, l.43.; Gruteri, cum inscript. p. 298. init.) The former of whom had been consul and triumphed for Spain on October 13th. (Gruteri, p. 297.) Thereupon, when Chrysippus had seen in the triumph of Caesar, the ivory towns carried before him and a few days later the wooden ones of Fabius Maximus, he said they were but the cases for Caesar's towns. (Quintilian, l.6. c.4.)
  2. Very many and great honours were decreed by the senate to Caesar. He was declared to be the perpetual dictator (Livy, l.116.) and he was called emperor. (Suetonius, in Julius, c.76.) This was not in the sense in which both before and after, it was given to generals for any victory they had obtained in the wars. This signified the highest power and authority in the state (Dio, l. 43.) for it was granted to him that he alone should have soldiers and the command of the militia. He alone should take charge of the public money and that it should be lawful for no other to make use of either of these. All the magistrates should be subject to him, including the magistrates of the common people. They should swear that they would never infringe on any of his decrees. (Dio, l.43.; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 194.) From this time to his last return to the city, Velleius declared: (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.56.) "His five months of his principal office."
  3. Caesar thought of repressing the Getae or Daci who had made a large invasion into Pontus and Thracia. (Suetonius, in Julius, c.44.; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 497.) To prepare for this expedition, he sent ahead Octavian, the son of Atiae by his sister Julia's daughter, to Apollonia. He was to study there and learn martial discipline. He intended later to make him his fellow soldier in the Getic and Pontic war. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.59.; Suetonius, in Octavian c. 8.; Plutarch, in M. Brutus; Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 531.; Dio, l.45.) Some squadrons from Pergamos came there. They were now very old, and he took them along from the city to there. (Suetonius, in Octavian c.89.; Strabone, l.13. p. 625.) To that place came some squadrons of cavalry from Macedonia with whom he was exercised. By entertaining them courteously, he became very gracious with the army. (Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 531.)
  4. Castor, a young man, was incited by his father, Suocondarius, [as Strabo calls him] and his mother, the daughter of King Dejotarus. He went to Rome to accuse his grandfather. After he corrupted Philip, the king's servant and a Phisitian, with hopes and promises that he should accuse his master falsely of treason. The king would have killed Caesar when he entertained him in his tetrarchy. The king's ambassadors, Hieras, Blescenius, Antigonus and Dorylaus opposed this and offered to Caesar their own lives for the safety of the two kings. [The father and son then reigned together.] Cicero made a speech in Caesar's house for him in memory of their old friendship and familiarity. He prefaced his remarks with the statement that it was so unusual for a king to be guilty of treason that it was never heard of before. However, for this accusation, Dejotarus had killed his daughter, together with her husband Castor or Suocondarius [that noble Chronographer] in Garbrius the palace of Castor himself. (Strabo, l.13. p. 568.) Concerning all this business Vessius [alas! our dear friend for sometime] is to be consulted in the last chapter of his first book of Greek Historians.
  5. On December 13th [ides], Q. Pedius triumphed for Spain, [the third time within three months,] (Gruter, Inscript. p. 197] in which [as Fabius had done before him] he used wooden pageants instead of ivory ones which caused much laughter. (Dio, l.43.)
  6. The Parthians came to help Caecilius Bassus but did not stay long because it was winter and did not do anything outstanding for him. Dio (Dio, l.47.) stated that by their arrival, Bassus was freed from that close siege by Antistius Velus, as Velus himself confirms in his letters to Balbus. Concerning this, Cicero wrote, (Cicero, ad Attic., l.14. epist. 9.) "Balbus was here with me to whom letters were delivered on the day before the month of January from Balbus when as Caecilius was besieged by him and was almost taken. Pacorus, the Parthian came with numerous forces and so he escaped from him with the loss of many of his men. He blamed Volcatius for this. So it seems to me that war is near but let Nelcias and Dollabella take care of it."
  7. That is to whom the care of the province of Syria and of the Parthian war was committed after the death of Caesar when Cicero wrote this letter.
  8. At Rome, the day before the month of January, after Q. Fabius Maximus, the consul, was dead, C. Caninins Rebilus demanded the consulship of a few towns. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.14. epist. 9.; Pliny, l.7. c.53.; Suetonius, in Claudius, c.15.; Trebell Pallion., in 30. Tyrannis.) Concerning whom, Cicero wrote to Curtius. (Cicero, Letter to his Friends, l.7. epist. 30.) "Know that all the time that Caninius was consul, there no one dined. However, there was no harm done all the time that he was consul for he was very vigilant as one who never slept in his consulship." (Macrob., Saturnal, l.2. c.3., l.7. c.3.)
  9. The next day Caesar assumed his fifth and last consulship. He made an edict that thanks should be returned to Hyrcanus, the high priest and prince of the Jews and to the country of the Jews for their affection to him and the people of Rome. Caesar also decreed that Hyrcanus should have the city of Jerusalem and should rebuild its walls and govern it after his own will. He also granted to the Jews that every second year there should be a deduction in their rents and that they should be free from impositions and tributes. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17.) Josephus seems to be mistaken when in the previous chapter he said that Caesar was in Syria and sent letters to Rome to the consuls. The letters said that authority should be given to Hyrcanus to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem that Pompey had thrown down. Josephus said that shortly after this, Caesar left Syria, and Antipater started to rebuild the walls. That decree of the senate that Josephus recorded did not apply to Hyrcanus, nor to the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem. We have seen this in 3877 AM <<3605>> concerning which also Salianus is to be consulted with at the year 4007 AM (Numbers 36,37).
  10. In the same fifth consulship, in the second Julian year, the month Quintilis was renamed to July in honour of Julius Caesar. M. Antony, his colleague in the consulship, proposed this law because Julius was born on the fourth of ides of Quintilis in this month. [July 12th] (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 494.; Dio, l.44.; Censorin, de die natali, c.9.; Mucrabins, Saturnal, l.2. c.12.) Thereupon, in the following term of Serceilis, M. Brutus, who was the city's praetor and was to hold the Apollinanian plays after Caesar was murdered by him, wrote "Nonis Julio" the "Nones of July." Cicero wrote to his friend Atticus, (Cicero, ad Atticus, l.16. epist. 1.) "I could be angry an whole day. Could anything be more base, than for Brutus to write Julio?"
  11. After Brutus was admonished for this by him, he said that he would write that the hunting that was to be the day after the Apollinanian Plays, should be on the 3rd ides of Quintilis. [July 13th] (Cicero, ad Atticus, l.16. epist. 4.)
  12. Caesar rebuilt Carthage and Corinth which were both demolished at one time, [See note on 3858 AM] by bringing Roman colonies there. (Dio. l.43.; Strabo, l.8. p. 381., l.17. p. (833).) Concerning Corinth, the writers (Pausanias, in Corinthianis; Solinus, de Carthage, c. 30.; Appian, Lybicorum, fin.) agree that between the overthrow and rebuilding of Carthage, 102 years elapsed. This would brings us to this year when M. Antony and P. Dolabella were consuls whom Solinus named. Appian wrote that these cities were again rebuilt by Augustus Caesar.
  13. At this time, the people of Rome were in a mood to revenge the death of Crassus and the army that he lost and hoped to utterly conquer the Parthians. Thereupon this war, by general consent, was decreed to be headed by Caesar. They very earnestly made preparations for it. The following action was taken for the execution of that war so that both Caesar might have officers enough with him and that in his absence that the city should not be left without magistrates. So the city would not choose them and cause problems for Caesar when he was away, they intended to appoint magistrates before hand for the whole three years. [This was how long they thought that the war might last.] Half of these Caesar chose as indeed was by the law granted to him, [concerning this law consult Suetonius] In truth he chose all the rest too. (Dio, l.43.)
  14. Caesar planned to attack the Cetae or Daci first. He sent ahead of him over the Adriatic Sea, sixteen legions and 10,000 cavalry. Then he planned to make war on the Parthians by going through Armenia the Less. He did not want to come to a pitched battle, until he had tried his troops. [Suetonius, in Julius, c.44.) (Appian, l.2. p. 497.)
  15. Caesar sent Cornisicius to make war in Syria against Caecilius Bassus, and gave him the province of Syria. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12., epist. 18. 19.) While the legions were to be brought to him, Caesar was murdered. After that the province was assigned to P. Cornelius Dolabella, the consul and [as we shall see] old Africa was given to Cornisicius. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 19. 21.; Appian, Civil War, l.4. p. 620. 621.)
  16. Caesar committed the charge and command of three legions that he had left in Alexandria to Rufinus, the son of a freed man of his who was an old catamite [boy kept for homosexual purposes] of his own. (Suetonius, in Julius, c.76.)
  17. Six days [7th of calends] before February, Caesar entered the city. In a speech from the Albana Mount, (Gruters, Inscript. p. 297.) it was decreed that in the performance of the Latin Feria, he should be thus brought into the city. (Dio, l.44.)
  18. Some had greeted him as king, as he was returning from the sacrifice of the Latin Feria and going into the city from the mount Albanus. He was offended that the people took it poorly and told them that he was Caesar and not a king. When they all held their peace, he went along by them very sad and melancholy. One of the company put a laurel crown tied with a white ribbon, [which was what they used to do to their kings,] on his statue. Epidius Marcellus and Coesilius Flavus ordered that the crown to be untied and the man to be put into prison. Caesar was grieved that the mention of a kingdom was not well received or that the glory of denying it was taken from him. He severely chided the tribunes and deprived them of their office. (Suetonius, in Julius, c.79.; Plutarch. in codem; Dio. l.41.; Livy. l.116.; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 495. 496.)
  19. On the Lupercalia [which the old calendar showed were celebrated on the 15th day of February] M. Antony, his colleague in the consulship, came running stark naked among those who celebrated the feast. He fell down before Caesar, who sat in the rostrum on his golden chair clothed in purple and crowned. He presented him with a diadem in the name of the people of Rome. This was twice put on his head by Antony, but Caesar took it off again and laid on his golden chair. He said that only Jupiter was the king of the Romans and sent the diadem into the Capitol to Jupiter. He ordered that it should be written in the records: "That at the Lupercalia, Marcus Antony the consul, offered a kingdom to Caesar the dictator, but he would not take it."
  20. Thereupon Caesar was suspected that this was only a trick between them and that indeed he did desire the name of king but he would pretend to be forced to take it. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 495. 496.; Cicero, in (Philippians 2). 3. 8. 13.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.56.; Plutarch, in Antony; Cassador., in Chronico.)
  21. After this a rumour circulated which was either true or false, [as fables used to be made] that the priest called Quindecimviri found in the Sybil's book that the Parthians would be overcome by the Romans if a king were general. Otherwise they were unconquerable. Thereupon L. Cotta, one of the Quindecimviri, would in the next senate propose a law that Caesar should be called king. Some thought that he ought to be called either dictator or emperor of the Romans or any other name that sounded more agreeable than the name of king. Since all other nations were under the command of the Romans, he should positively be called king. (Suetonius; Plutarch; Dio, l.41; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 497.) Cicero also refers to this: (Cicero, de divinat., l.2.) "We observe in the Sybil's verses which she is reported in a fury to have spoken which were interpreted by L. Cotta. These were recently thought to be man's fabrications as though it is that the one we have now already for a king, must be called a king, if we will be secure."
  22. Caesar prepared to leave the city as soon as he could and he had not thought of where to go. Four days before he intended to go, he was stabbed in the senate. (Appian, Civil War, p. (497).) Sixty senators and equestrians were in this conspiracy. (Suetonius, in Julius. c.80.; Eutropius, l.6. fin.; Orosius, l.6. c.17.) M. Brutus, C. Tribonius and C. Cassius and of Caesar's party, Decimus Brutus, where the leaders in the conspiracy. (Livy, l.116.) Caesar came into the senate house with the intention of advocating the Parthian war. The senators stabbed him as he sat in the ivory chair and he received twenty three wounds. (Livy, l.116; Florus, History of Rome, l.4. c.2. fin.) on the ides of March [March 15th]. He was 56 years old. (Suetonius, in Julius, c.81,88, 91.; Plutarch, in codem.; Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. (522).)
  23. Thus he who had fought in fifty battles, (Pliny, l.7. c.25.) was killed in that senate by a number of the senators he had chosen himself. He was killed in Pompey's court before the image of Pompey. Many of his own centurions witnessed this. He so fell by the hands of the most noble citizens and those too, most of them he had promoted himself. None of his friends and none of his servants could come near his body. (Cicero, de divinatione, l.2.)
  24. P. Cornelius Dolabella, was twenty five years old and was appointed by Caesar to be consul for the rest of Caesar's term when Caesar left the city. He snatched up the fasces and the consular ensigns. Before them all, he vilely reproached the author of his honour. Some state that he purposed a law that that day might be reckoned as the birthday of the city. (Appian, Civil War, l.2. p. 505,506.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.58.)
  25. The third day after the murder of Caesar, (Cicero, Philippic) when the Liberalia were celebrated, (Cicero, ad Attic., l.14. epist. 10.& 16.) that is fifteen days before April [16th of calends], the senate convened in the temple of Tellus. The consul Antonius, Plancos and Cicero spoke for an act of oblivion and a peace. It was decreed that the memory of all wrongs should be blotted out, a firm peace should be established among the citizens and Caesar's acts should be ratified. (Cicero. Philippic. 1.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.58.; Plutarch, in Cicero, Brutus, Antony; Appian, Civil Wars, l.2.; Dio, l.44.)
  26. On the very day first of all (Cicero, Philippic 1.) M. Antony set aside all hostility and was willing that Dolabella should be his colleague in the consulship. Although, as Caesar previously showed, that he planned before he left the city that Dolabella should be consul and Antony strongly opposed it. (Cicero, Philippic 2.; Plutarch, in Antony) At the first he had determined not to allow him to be consul since he was still too young. However, from fear lest he should cause a riot, he allowed it to happen. (Dio, l.44.)
  27. The next day the senate met again and assigned provinces to the murderers of Caesar. Crete went to M. Brutus, Africa to Cassius, Asia to Trebonius, Bithynia to Cimber and Gallia Circumpana to Decimus Brutus. (Plutarch, in M. Brutus)
  28. Of these, the last two were former praetors of the city. They did not think it wise to enter the provinces before their term of office as praetors had expired in Rome. When they also saw it was not safe for them to exercise any authority in the city, they planned to spend the rest of the year in Italy as private citizens. When the senate understood this, they appointed them to be overseers of the grain shipments to Rome. (Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 550.) Brutus was in charge of the grain shipments from Asia and Cassius from Sicily. Cassius scorned this office. (Cicero, ad Attic. l.15. epist. 9,11, 12.)
  29. Some had a plan that there should be a private bank established for those who killed Caesar from the Roman equestrians. They thought that this might be easily brought about if the leaders of them would bring in their money. Thereupon, Atticus was called upon by Flavius, a close friend of Brutus, that he would be the leader in this business. Atticus always thought of doing his friend a favour without causing any friction. He replied that if Brutus had any mind to make use of his estate, let him use as much as his estate would allow. He would not so much as speak with anyone about this matter nor join with them in it. So the whole plot of them was spoiled by one man's dissent. (Cornel. Nipos, Life of Atticus)
  30. In the temple of Castor, some letters of the names of the consuls Antony and Dolabella were struck down with lightning. Julius (Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis) stated that this portended their alienation from their country.
  31. The consul Antony persuaded his colleague Dolabella, since he was an ambitious young man, that he should request to be sent into Syria and to the army that was raised against the Parthians. He brought it to pass that the province of Syria was allocated to Dolabella by the votes of the people along with the Parthian war and the legions that were assigned by Caesar for that purpose. Also those that were sent ahead into Macedonia were given to him. Antony then obtained Macedonia from the senate which was not defended by an an army. (Appian, l.3. p. 530,531, & 550.)
  32. Cicero feared Antony's power and determined at first to go with Dolabella into Syria as his lieutenant. (Plutarch, in Cicero) On the 4th of April [4th of nones], Cicero was given the lieutenancy so that he might enter the position when he wanted to. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.15. epist. 12.) He was persuaded by Hirtius and Pausa who were designed consuls for the next year and he changed his mind. He left Dolabella and planned to spend the summer at Athens. (Plutarch, in Cicero) He would journey into Greece before the time that the Olympian games were celebrated. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.15. epist. 24., l.16. epist. 7.) The 184th Olympiad was celebrated in this year.
  33. In the sixth month after Octavian came to Apollonia, he received the news of his uncle's death. He left Epirus for Italy and at Brundusium he was received by the army that went to meet him as Caesar's son. Without any further delay, he immediately assumed the name of Caesar and took upon him to be his heir. [So much the rather, since he had brought with him a great amount of money and the large forces that were sent him by Caesar.] At Brundusium, he was adopted into the Julian family and after this called himself Caius Julius Caesar Octavian instead of Caius Octavian. (Livy, l.117.; Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis; Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 531, (532).; Dio, l.45.)
  34. For this very name, just as if he had been a true son, a large number of friends, both freed men and slaves, came to him. They brought soldiers also, who either carried provision and money into Macedonia or brought the tributes and other money that they had exacted from the provinces to Brundusium. He was strengthened and emboldened by the number of them that flocked to him. By the authority of the name of Caesar, he was held in high esteem with the common people. He journeyed toward Rome with a considerable following which daily increased like a flood. (Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 532,535.)
  35. Thirteen days before May [14th of calends], Octavian came to Naples and the next day at Cumae he visited Cicero. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.14. epist. 10.) Cicero wrote a letter to Atticus twelve days before May [13th of calends]. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.14. epist. 12.) "Octavian was with us and was very noble and friendly. His own followers greeted him by the name of Caesar, but Philip would not."
  36. His mother Atia, and his father-in-law Philip did not approve that he should take the name of the envied fortune of Caesar. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.60.; Suetonius, Octavia, c.8.; Appian., Civil War, l.3. p. 532,533.)
  37. A vast company of friends met Octavian as he was coming to Rome. When he entered the city, the globe of the sun seemed to be on his head and equally bent and rounded like a bow, [as it were putting a crown upon the head of him that later was to be so famous a man.] (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.59.; Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis.) "When he entered the city with a large number around him, the sun was included in the circle of a pure and unclouded sky and surrounded him with the inmost part of the circle."
  38. [as the rainbows are usually bent in the clouds.] That is a circle of various colours as is usual in the rainbow, at that time surrounded the sun. (Seneca, Natural. Questions, l.1. c.2.; Pliny, l.2. c.28.; Suetonius, in Octavian. c.95.; Dio. l.45.; Orosius, l.6. c.20.)
  39. Octavian called his friends together and over night ordered them all to be ready the next morning with a good number of followers to meet him in the forum. Octavian went to Caius, the brother of Antony the city praetor. Caius told him he accepted his adoption. It was the Roman custom in an adoption, to interpose the authority of the praetor. His acceptance was registered by the scribes. Then Octavian immediately left the forum and went to Antony, the consul. (Appian, Civil War, l.3. p. 534.) The consul entertained him haughtily [but this was not from contempt but fear] and scarcely admitted him into Pompey's gardens and gave him time to speak with him. [Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.60.)
  40. The Circensian plays were neglected which were decreed to be solemnized for the honour of Caesar in the Palilia. [10 days before May [11th of calends]] This was the day the news of Caesar's victory in Spain came to Rome. The day before that day, (Dio, l.44,45.) Quinctus and Lamia wore crowns there for Caesar's honour's sake. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.14. epist. 16,22.)
  41. When the murderers of Caesar were sent into the provinces which were allocated to them by lot, (Dio, l.44.) Caius Trebonius went into his province (Cicero, ad Attic, l.14. epist. 10.) to succeed Q. Philippus as the proconsul of Asia. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.13. epist. 73, (74). cf. epist. 43,45.) Patisen went with him as an ordinary proquaestor. However, P. Lentulus, the son of Publius Lentulus Spinther, was sent by the senate into Asia as an extraordinary quaestor to gather in the tribute and to raise money. (Cicero, Letters to my Friends, l.12. epist. 14,15.)
  42. Ten days before June [11th calends], Trebonius came to Athens and there found young Cicero earnestly at his study under Cratippus. He invited them both into his province of Asia. Cicero stated this in his letters to his father, dated 11 days before June [12th calends], (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 16.) His father replied by letter. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.15. epist. fin.)
  43. On June 2nd [4th nones], a law was passed that the consuls should recognizance those things that Caesar had ordained, decreed and done. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.16. epist. 18.)
  44. After Antony was appointed to oversee and execute those things which Caesar had ordered to be done, he altered the notes and changed them at his pleasure. He did everything as it pleased him as if it were by the appointment of Caesar. By this he gratified cities and governors and amassed a huge fortune. He sold fields and tributes as well as freedoms also even of the city of Rome. He sold these to individuals as well as to whole provinces and all people. A record of these things were recorded on tables and hung up in the capitol. (Cicero, in Philippica. (2)., Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 1.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.60.; Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, Civil War, l.3, p. 529.; Dio, l.44.) In one of these tables, the richest cities of the Cretians were freed from tributes and it was decreed that after the proconsulate of Brutus, Crete would no longer be a province. (Cicero, in Philippica. 2., Letters to his Friends, l.2. epist. 1.) Antony also received a great sum of money and amended a register also, as if the law had been made by Caesar that the Sicilians would be made citizens of Rome. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.14. epist. 12.)
  45. As soon as King Dejotarus heard of Caesar's death, he recovered all things that were taken from him of his own accord. However, his ambassadors were fearful and unskilful. Without the consent of the rest of the king's friends, they gave Fulvis 100,000 sesterces as a bond and had a decree hung in the capitol. It ridiculously pretended that everthing was restored by Caesar himself. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.14. epist. 12., in 2. Philippic.)
  46. When plays were to be performed to commemorate Caesar's victory the 13th of August [as appears in the old calender (Gruterus, Inscriptions, p. 133.) they dared not do it publicly and Octavian held them privately. [??] (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.10.) He committed the care for the preparations for them to C. Matius, a most learned man, who gave this reason to Cicero for his approving of this. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.11., epist. 27., ad Attic. epist. 2.) . "I have taken care for the plays that the young Caesar made for the victory of Caesar. However, it belonged to my private service to him and not to the state of the commonwealth. Yet this service I ought to perform to the memory and honour of my best friend, although now dead. Neither could I deny it at the request of that hopeful young man and most worthy Caesar."
  47. To this are to be referred those things from Dio. (Dio, l.45.) "They sacrificed with certain processions on a particular day consecrated to him for his victories."
  48. Dion affirms that it was previously decreed (Appian, Civil Wars, l.2., p. 494.; Dio, l.43) that those days should be celebrated with solemn sacrifices on which he obtained his victories. It seems that the commemoration of all the victories he had obtained, were remembered on this one day and consecrated for his victory sacrifices. Lucan, (Lucan, l.7. init.) stated that the day of the victory of Pharsalus, the most famous of all the rest, was not included among the feast days. Rome hath oft celebrated times less dire, But this would in oblivion have retire.
  49. M. Brutus and Canus Cassius sent privately by letters to advise Trebonius in Asia and Tullius Cimber in Bithynia that they should secretly gather money and raise an army. (Appian, l.8. p. 529,530.) Cimber obeyed and also provided a navy. (Cossius to Cicero; Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 13.) It was that drunken Cimber, whom Seneca stated (Seneca, epist. 83.) made this joke about himself. "Am I able to deal with anyone, who cannot bear wine?"
  50. At age nineteen, Caesar Octavian of his own accord and his own expense, gathered an army. He himself wrote this in the breviary of his affairs which was engraved in the Ancyran Marble, (Gruter, Inscriptions, p. 230.) eleven days before October [before the day of the 11th calends], when he was almost 20 years old. Before the departure of Antony from the city, [which happened in the following October] Octavian was commended to the senate through Cicero and others that hated Antony. Octavian tried to get the favour of the people and to gather an army. (Plutarch, in Antony) He prepared forces against Antony for his own safety and the state. He stirred up the old soldiers that were sent into the colonies. (Livy, l.117.) Florus related the matter thus: "Octavian Caesar was pitied for his youth and wrongs he endured. He was gracious for the majesty of that name that he had assumed. He called the old soldiers to arms and as a private citizen then [who would believe it?] takes on the consul."
  51. (Florus, l.4. c.4.) He is incorrect where he states: "but eighteen years old"
  52. Neither is Dio who wrote that he was 18 years old when he assumed the name and took on him, as Caesar's heir. (Dio, l.45. p. 271.) Neither is it accurately set forth by Seneca. (Seneca, de clementia, l.1., c.9.) "he was newly out of his eighteenth year"
  53. Neither is Velleius Paterculus correct: "he had entered on his nineteenth year"
  54. Paterculus stated: "O. Caesar had turned nineteen. He dared bold exploits and attained the highest position by his own advice. He had a greater mind for the safety of the state than the senate had." (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.61.)
  55. When he began to prepare an army, he was almost twenty. From that time to his death was 57 years. Likewise Maximus the monk, in his calculations assigned the same time to his government.
  56. Antony was afraid and held a meeting with him in the capitol and they were reconciled. The same night in his sleep, Antony dreamed that his right hand was struck with lightning. A few days later, it was secretly whispered to him that Caesar sought to betray him. When he did not believe Caesar who tried to clear himself, their old enmity broke out again. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  57. Antony thought that he needed a larger force. He knew that the six legions in Macedonia were the best soldiers and outnumbered his legions. There was a large band of archers, light harnessed men and cavalry. All were excellently equipped. These were allocated to Dolabella, because the Parthian war was assigned to him when Caesar made preparation against the Parthians. He thought to draw these to his side because they were so close and could soon be in Italy by crossing the Adriatic Sea. A false rumour was spread that the Getae heard of the death of Caesar and wasted Macedonia with their invasion. Antony demanded an army from the senate that he might take vengeance on the enemy. He said that the Macedonian army was raised by Caesar against the Getae before he planned to attack the Parthians and that all things were now quiet on the border of Parthia. Finally, they agreed to send one legion over to Dolabella and Antony was chosen as general of the Macedonian army. (Appian, l.3. p. 541,542.) Through force, he had a law passed to change how the provinces were allocated. C. Antony, his brother, would take Macedonia which was assigned to Marcus Brutus. The consul Mark Antony would take Cisalpine Gaul that was assigned to Decimus Brutus. Antony would also command the Macedonian army which was sent ahead by Caesar to Apollonia. (Dio, l.45.; Livy, l.117.; Appian, l.3. p. 543,545, 546.)
  58. It was reported that the legions of Alexandria were in arms that Bassus was sent for from Syria and Cassius was expected. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.15. epist. 13.)
  59. When time for the plays had arrived which Critonius, the aedile, was to hold, Caesar provided for his father, a golden chair and a crown. This thing was ordered by the decree of the senate to be done for ever in all plays. Critonius would not allow Caesar to be honoured in those plays that he held at his own private expense. [??] Caesar was brought before Antony as to the consul. The consul told him that he would propose to the senate: "propose it and in the meantime I will provide the chair"
  60. Antony was exasperated and forbid this in the following plays. These Caesar had solemnized and were instituted in honour of their mother, Venus, when a temple in the forum was dedicated to Caesar as well as the forum itself. Antony publicly hated this fact. (Appian, l. 3. p. 543,544.)
  61. Five days [6th calends] before October in the marble inscriptions of the old calendar, [in (Gruter, Inscriptions, p. 135. fin.) compared with another whole one. (Grunter, Inscriptions, p. (133).)] it was engraved, "VENERI. GENETRICIIN. FORO. CAESAR." Therefore, on that day Octavian made those plays to gain the people's favour. These were instituted for the completion of the temple of Venus. He personally paid for these since he came from the same family, some of whom, during Caesar's lifetime, had promised to solemnize the temple but did not do it. (Dio, l.45.) While Octavian was doing this, Seneca stated that a comet suddenly appeared. (Seneca, in Natural Questions, l.7. c.17.; Suetonius, in Julio. c.88.; Pliny, l.2. c.25.) Seneca said Octavian himself stated the following: "In the very days of my plays there was a comet seen for seven days altogether, in the northern part of the heaven. It arose about the eleventh hour of the day. It was clear and conspicuous in all lands. The people generally thought that by this star, it was signified that Caesar's soul was received into the number of the gods. Under that notion was that word added to the image of his head that we recently consecrated in the forum."
  62. This was also seen on some coins that were minted after his death with the inscription, "DIVI JULII", and noted by Virgil: "Thy father's star appeared in the north." (Aeneid, 8.)
3961 AM, 4670 JP, 44 BC
  1. The 9th [7th ides] of October, Antony came to Brundusium to meet four of five of the Macedonian legions that he thought to win to his side with money. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.13. epist. 23.; Appian, l.3. p. 552. 554.; Dion, l,45. p. 276. edit. Gracolatin. Hannoviensis.) These were granted to him by the senate and people of Rome to be used against the Getae. However, he transported them to Italy. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.61.; Appian, l. 3. p. 543,546, 558. fin.)
  2. Octavian also sent his friends with money to hire those soldiers for himself. (Dion, l,45. p. 276. edit. Gracolatin. Hannoviensis.) He sent into Campania to secure for his side those soldiers that his father had sent into the colonies to war. First he drew to his side, the old soldiers of Galatia, then those of Casilinum, which lay on both sides of Capua. He gave each of them 500 denarii [which Appian and Dio, after the custom of the Greeks translate drachmas] He gathered together about 10,000 men but they were not well armed nor marshalled into companies. He marched with them under one ensign as a guard. (Cicero, ad Attic., l.16. epist. (8)., Philippic 3.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.61.; Appian, l.3. p. 552. 553.) These troops were the first to be called the Evocati because when they had permission to retire from the army, they were again called to service. (Servius Galba ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.10. epist. 30.; Dio, l.45. p. 276., l.55. p. 565.)
  3. In the meantime, the four legions of Macedonia accused Antony for his delay in revenging Caesar's death on the murderers. Without any acclamations, they conducted him to the tribunal as if they would hear an account of this business before anything else. Antony took their silence poorly. He did not contain himself but upbraided them for their ingratitude because they did not acknowledge how much better it was to go into Italy than into Parthia. Neither did they show any token of thankfulness. He also complained that they had not brought to him some disturbers of the peace that were sent from that wicked young man [for so he called Caesar] but that he would find them. He said he would march with the army to the province that was decreed to him by the senate even that fortunate Gaul. He said that he would give to everyone there 100 denarii or drachmas. This niggardliness of his promises was entertained with laughter. When he took this badly, he was deserted and the disorder increased. (Appian. l.3. p. 554.; Dion, l.45. p. (276).; Cicero, ad Attic, l.16. epist. 8.)
  4. When Antony had demanded the rebels from the tribunes according to the discipline of war, he drew out every tenth man by lot. He did not punish them all but only some of them and thought to terrify them little by little. (Appian. l.3. p. 554,555.) Also in the house of his host on the bay of Brundusium, in the presence of his most covetous and cruel wife Fulvia, he put to death some centurions that were taken from the Martian legion. [Cicero, Philippic. 3,5, 13.) (Dio, l.45. p. 276.)
  5. When those of Caesar's party who were sent to bribe them, saw that they were more provoked by this deed, they created libelous rumours among the army. They recalled to mind the memory of Caesar when considering this business and cruelty of Antony. They invited them to the liberality of the young man. Antony promised rewards to them that would tell him of them and punishments to those who did not expose the offenders. He took it rather poorly that none were discovered as if the army defended them. (Appian, l.3. p. 555.)
  6. When Octavian Caesar came to hold office, he endeavoured to win the people to himself. Both M. Brutus and Caius Cassius gave up all hope of controlling the opinion of people and were afraid of Caesar. They sailed from Italy and landed at Athens where they were magnificently entertained. (Dio, l.47. p. 238. 239.) Cornelius Nepos, in the life of Atticus, wrote that when Antony began to get the upper hand, they abandoned the government of those provinces that were assigned to them by the consuls and went into exile. "and now both fearing the arms of Antony and now again to increase the envy they had against Antony they pretended as though they were afraid and protested by their edicts that they would willingly live in perpetual exile as long as the commonwealth was in peace. Neither would they give any occasion for a civilwar."
  7. Velleius Paterculus stated that they went out of Italy. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.62.)
  8. When some went to Octavian's side and some to Antony's, the armies sided with the one that gave them the most. Brutus intended to leave Italy and though Lucania came by land to the sea at Elea. From there he sailed to Athens where he became a student to Theomnestas the academic and to Cratippus the peripatetic [the Mitylenian]. Together with them they studied and he seemed to forget all business and to live in idleness. However, he prepared for the war. (Plutarch, in Brutus) Cicero (Cicero, in Philippic. 10.) stated that the navy of Cassius caught up to Brutus within a few days.
  9. Brutus and Cassius determined by force to invade Macedonia and Syria as assigned before to Dolabella and Antony. As soon as this was known Dolabella hurried into Syria and visited Asia along the way, to gather money from there. (Appian, de Brutis civilibin, l.3. p. 541) For Appian thought [as also does (Florus, l,4, c.7.)] that Macedonia was decreed by Julius Caesar [before he was killed by them] to Brutus and Syria to Cassius. There were other letters, granting to them ,in the place of those that were later taken from them by the consuls. That is Cyrene and the isle of Crete. Some attribute both of these to Cassius and Bithynia to Brutus but that they were assigned these and gathered an army and money with an intent to invade Syria and Macedonia. (Appian. l.p. 527. 530,531. 533. 536. 550, l.4. p. 622.)
  10. However, Syria was appointed by Julius Caesar to Cornificius, as we gather from Cicero. The fourth day after his murder, Crete was decreed by the senate to Brutus and Africa to Cassius we have learned previously from Plutarch. Cicero stated of Brutus: (Cicero, in Philippic. 11.) "Neither went he into his own province of Crete, but hurried into Macedonia which was another's. Cassius obeyed the law of greed, when he went into Syria. This was another's province indeed, if men would use written laws. But these were violated, so he used his own by the law of greed."
  11. Velleius Paterculus confirmed that both of them seized provinces without any decree from the senate or public authority. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.62.) He also said both of them lived at Athens. Dio wrote (Dio, l.47. p. 339.) that they heard that Caesar had increased in strength. Crete and Bithynia which they were sent to, were neglected because they thought that these provinces would not be of much help. They planned to take Syria and Macedonia which did not belong to them. At that time, both of them had men and money.
  12. Dolabella made his journey through Achaia, Macedonia and Thrace and arrived too late into Asia. However, in Achaia he had foot soldiers and cavalry. He met Vetus Antestius, who had returned from Syria and had dismissed his army, [which he had mainly used against Caecilius Bassus.] He would rather suffer any danger than to seem to give any money to Dolabella either willingly or by compulsion. (Dio, l.47, p. 433; Brutus in l.Cicerronis ad Brutum, epist. 16.)
  13. On the 1ts [calends] of November, letters were brought to Cicero from Octavian. He asked his advice whether he had best come to Rome with those 4000 old soldiers, or should he keep them at Capua and keep Antony from there, or should he go to the three legions of Macedonia, which came by the way of the Adriatic Sea. Because they would not receive the bribes that Antony offered them, he thought he might win them to himself. (Cicero, ad attic., l. 16. epist. 8.) Octavian numbered the centuries at Capua. (Cicero, ad attic., l.16. epist. 9.) He journeyed to Samnium and arrived at Cales and stayed at Theanum. There was a wonderful gathering of the free cities and corporations which came to Rome in large numbers. [??] (Cicero, ad attic., l.16. epist. 8.)
  14. He went to the common people who had already been prepped for this purpose by Canutius the tribune of the people. He renewed the memory of his father in a long speech to them and the brave acts that he had done. He spoke also many things modestly of himself and accused Antony. He commended the soldiers that followed him because they were ready to help the city and that they had chosen him for that purpose. They should by this act signify this to so great a crowd. They were commended for the good equipment they had and for the large number of soldiers that followed Caesar. He went into Hetruria to get more soldiers. (Dio, l.45. p. 276.)
  15. At this time Marcus Cicero dedicated his three famous books of offices (Cicero, de Officiis) to his son Marcus who had been a scholar for an whole year to Cratippus. [This was not at the first time he was sent there as Dio thinks. (Dio, l.45. p. 277.; Cicero, Letter to his Friends, l.16. epist. 11.)] Some of the son's letters to Tiro still exist (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.16. epist. 21.) in which he tells of those who boarded with him: "I have hired a place for Brutus close to me and as much as I can from my poverty, I sustain his needs. Moreover I intended to make my speech in Greek before Cassius but before Brutus, I will do my practising in Latin. My close friends and boarders are those that Cratippus brought with him from Mitylene, learned men and well approved by him."
  16. When Brutus was in financial need, he made friends with Cicero and with other young men that studied at Athens. He sent Herostratus into Macedonia to win the favour of those who were captains of the armies. When he had received news that some Roman ships laden with money sailed from Asia toward Athens and that the admiral was an honest man and his close friend, he went to meet him near the Carystos. He persuaded him to turn over the ships to him. (Plutarch, in Brutus)
  17. On his birthday, Brutus made a large feast for the admiral. When they started the toasts, they drank to the a health of Brutus and the freedom of the people of Rome. Brutus took a large cup and spoke aloud this verse without any apparent reason. Latona's stem and cruel fate To my success have put a date.
  18. This was taken as an illomen of his defeat. When he went to fight his last battle at Philippi, he gave his soldiers these words of Apollo. (Plutarch, in Brutus; Appian. l.4. p. (668).)
  19. After this, Anistius gave Brutus 500 myriads of the money he was carrying into Italy. (Plutarch, in Brutus) The Latin interpreter rendered it 20,000 sesterniums and Brutus himself acknowledged that sum that Vetus Antistius had promised of his own accord and gave him from his money. In a letter, Brutus commended him to Cicero since Antistius was going to Rome to request the praetorship. (Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 11.) We read in Cornelius Nepos (Nepos, Life of Atticus) that Pompey Atticus also sent a present of 900 sesterniums when Brutus was expelled and left Italy and in his absence, commanded that 300 should be given to him in Epirus.
  20. Cassius and Brutus, left one another in Piraeera. Cassius went into Syria to keep Dolabella (Cicero, Philippic. 11.) out and Brutus went into Macedonia (Plutarch, in Brutus) so that he could control Macedonia and Greece. (Dio, l.47. p. 339.) Without any public authority, they seized the provinces and armies and pretended that where they were, there was the legitimate state. They received money from those who would give it to them which was sent by the treasurers to Rome from the parts beyond the seas. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.62.)
  21. Cassius got ahead of Dolabella and sailed into Asia to Trebonius, the proconsul. After the proconsul was bribed, he sided with Cassius and gave him many of those cavalry who were sent ahead by Dolabella into Syria. [P. Lentulus brags in his letters to Cicero that he was the first to turn these over to Cassius.] (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 14.) A large number from Asia and Cilicia also joined him. Cassius compelled Tarcondimotus and the Tarsenses to join in an alliance with him. However, the Tarsenses did it against their will. They so favoured the first Caesar and for his sake Octavian, that instead of Tarsus, they called their city Juliopolus. (Dio, l.47. p. 342.)
  22. Brutus received from Apuleius the forces he then had and in coined money, 16,000 talents which were collected from the payments and tributes of Asia that Apuleius [??] had received from Trebonius. Brutus went into Boeotia. (Appian. l.4. p. 632.; Dio, l.47. p. 339.) There he gathered soldiers of those from the battle of Pharsalus that he found wandering about Thessalia. Some of those that came with Dolabella from Italy, were either left there because of sickness or had run away from their regiments. He took from Cinna, 500 cavalry which he was taking to Dolabella into Asia. (Plutarch, in Brutus; Dio, l.47. p. 339.) This was the occasion of what Cicero wrote about Brutus. (Cicero, Philippic 11th.) "He raised new legions and welcomed the old ones. He took for himself, Dolabella's cavalry before Dolabella murdered Trebonius. Brutus counted him an enemy by his own standards. For if it were not so, how could he take away the cavalry from the consul?"
  23. Brutus was thus appointed, under the pretence of serving the state and of undertaking a war against Antony. He seized Greece where there were no soldiers at all. (Dio, l.47. p. 339.; Livy, l.118.)
  24. From there he went to Demetrius who gave him a large supply of arms that were stockpiled by Julius Caesar's orders for the Parthian war and were supposed to be turned over to Antony. (Plutarch, in Brutus; Appian, l.3. p. 567.)
  25. Brutus went into Macedonia at the same time that Caius Antony, the consul's brother, had recently arrived there and Q. Hortensius, the proconsul of Macedonia, was preparing to leave. This did not bother Brutus since Hortensius would soon join with him and Antony was forbidden [Caesar now ordered all at Rome] to meddle with anything that belonged to the chief magistrate and had no forces. (Dio, l.47. p. 339.; Cicero, Philippic. 10.)
  26. A muster was made in Macedonia by the great care and efforts of Q. Hortensius. The legion that L. Piso, the lieutenant of Antony, led, was turned over to Cicero's son whom Brutus brought with him from Athens. The cavalry were led in two brigades into Syria. One brigade left him that led them into Thessalia, as it is said and went to Brutus. The other one, Cn. Domitius in Macedonia took away from the lieutenant of Syria. (Cicero, Philippic. 10.)
  27. Brutus heard that Antony would immediately march to the forces which Gabinius had at Dyrrachium and Apollonia and wanted to prevent this. He quickly journeyed through rough ways and much snow. He outdistanced those who brought his provisions. As he came near to Dyrrachium because of the labour and cold, he was taken with a bulimia. This is a disease that affects those who are worn out going through the snow and the cold. When this was known, the soldiers left the guard and came running with food for him. Brutus behaved kindly to all for this courtesy when he was taken to the town. (Plutarch, in Brutus) Q. Vatinius, who commanded in Illyrium which was close by, came from there and had captured Dyrrachium previously. He was an adversary to Brutus throughout all the civilwar. He was condemned by his soldiers, because of Brutus' sickness. They went to Brutus and Vatinius opened the gates to him and turned over his army to him. (Dio, l.47. p. 339.; Cicero, Philippic. 10.; Livy, l.118.)
  28. When a short way was available for Dolabella to go into Syria, he invaded Asia which was another man's province and was unprepared for war. He sent M. Octavian, a poor senator, with a legion and wasted the countries and attacked their cities. (Cicero, Philippic. 11.)
  29. Neither Pergamos nor Smyrna would receive him into their cities but they made available to him a market place outside the city in respect to his office as consul. When he in a passion had in vain attacked Smyrna, Trebonius the proconsul of Asia, who fortified the cities as a refuge for Brutus and Cassius, promised that he would let him into Ephesus. He ordered his soldiers to immediately follow the consul there. (Appian, l.3. p. 542.)
  30. After this, there were friendly conferences with Trebonius. However, this was but false tokens of great kindness in pretended love. (Cicero, Philippic. 11.) By this, Trebonius was deceived, so that he promised Dolabella all courtesies. He made provision for his soldiers and lived together with them without any fear. (Dio, l.47. p. 344.)
  31. In Egypt, the young Ptolemy who was 15 years old, was poisoned by his wife and sister Cleopatra in the fourth year of his reign. This was the eighth year of his sister's reign from the death of their father, Auletes. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.4.; Porphyr. in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger. p. 226.)
  32. After Mark Antony, the consul, had returned from Brundusium to Rome, he ordered the senate to meet eight days [9th calends] before December. When they failed to meet on that day, he deferred it until 3 days before [4th calends] December and then ordered them to meet in the capitol. (Cicero, Philippic. 3.)
  33. In the meantime Antony's Macedonian legions, rebelled as they were going into Cisalpine Gaul and condemned the lieutenant that commanded them. Many of them defected to Caesar. (Dio, l45. p. 276.) All the Martian legion took away their colours and came to him and stayed at Asia. The fourth legion rebelled against L. Egnatuleius, the quaestor and their commander and defected to Caesar also. (Dio, l45. p. 276.; Cicero, Philippic. 3,4, 5,11, 13, Letters to his Friends, l.11. epist. 7.; Livy, 117.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.6.; Appian, l.3. p. 556.) Caesar received them and gave them money as he had previously done and so drew many to his side. He also got all of Antony's elephants by chance as they were being driven along. (Dio, l. 45. p. 276.)
  34. When Antony was going into the senate in the capitol on the appointed day to complain of Caesar's actions, at the very entrance of the court he received news of the revolt of the legions. He was terrified and dared not speak a word in the senate concerning Caesar. He had planned to propose to the senate and one that had been consul brought a sentence written by which he would account Caesar as an enemy. (Cicero, Philippic. 3,5, 13.; Appian, l.3. p. 556.) On the very same day at evening, the lots were cast for the provinces for the next year among the friends of Antony so that everyone would have a province which was most suitable to Antony. (Cicero, Philippic. 3.)
  35. He went to Alba to see if he could bring the soldiers of the Martian legion who were quartered there, to obey him again. When they shot at him from the walls, he sent 500 denarii for each man in the rest of the legions. With what forces he had around him, he marched in warlike array to Tibur and then to Ariminum in the entrance to Cisalpine Gaul. He had three Macedonian legions with him, [for the rest were now come] and one of the old soldiers with the auxiliaries that wanted to follow them in addition to the praetorians and young soldiers. (Appian, l.3. p. 556.)
  36. Antony besieged Decimus Brutus in Mutina because he would not leave Cisalpine Gaul since it was his province. (Appian, l.3. p. 556,558.) Caesar Octavian sent help to him even though he was one of Caesar's murderers. However politics makes strange bedfellows. (Dio, l. 45. p. 277.) Octavian had those two valiant legions of Macedonia that came to him and one of new soldiers and two other legions of veterans. They were not at full strength so he added the young soldiers into their ranks. When the army would have made him propraetor, he refused the honour they offered him. However, he hired the mercenaries by a gift and gave to every man of the two Macedonian legions [that fought before him] 500 denarii for each man. He promised 500,000 more to the conquerors if there should be any need of a battle. (Appian, l.3. p. 557, (558).) Cicero referred to this: (Cicero, Philippic. 10.) "The veterans who followed the authority of Caesar first repressed the attacks of Antony. Later the Martian legion abated his fury and the fourth legion routed him."
  37. At Rome a senate was convened 12 days before January [13th calends] when neither of the consuls were present. Antony had sent Dolabella ahead into Macedonia while he besieged Murina. On this day, Cicero, (Cicero, Philippic, 3.) persuaded the senate that the things that Octavian had done against Antony should be confirmed and praises and rewards should be given to the rebels, the Martian legion, the fourth and to the veterans that had defected to Octavian. Also Cicero purposed that Decimus Brutus and all the rest [without taking any notice of the allocation of provinces which Antony had made by lots] should retain their provinces and turn them over to no one without a decree from the senate. The senate passed this decree. Cicero called the people together and told them what was done in the senate. (Cicero, Philippic, 3,5, 6. init., Letters to his Friends, l.11. epist. 6., l.12. epist. 22.; Dio, l.45. p. 277.)
  38. On the first of January, when Hirtius and Pausa began their consulship, Cicero (Cicero, Philippic, 5.) made a speech to the senate and persuaded them to make war on Antony and that honours should be decreed to them that defended the state against him. The next day the senate gave Caesar Octavian an extraordinary command [as Cicero calls it, (Cicero, Philippic., 11)] with consular authority and lictors and the ensigns of a praetor. He and the consuls should go to the help of Decimus Brutus against Antony. Further, he should tell the quaestors and the former consuls that he should have authority to hold the consulship for ten years before the law was passed allowing this. The senate also honoured him with a gold statue of him on horseback. It was placed in the rostrum and had his age on the inscription. By the same decree, all the money that he had given to the soldiers, he was recompensed from the public treasury. [Although he did it as a private citizen yet it was for the service of the state.] The gift that he had promised to give to the two Macedonian legions after the victory should be given to them in the name of the state. Also those legions and the other soldiers that were hired by Caesar, should be exempt from military service as soon as the war was ended and have lands divided among them. (Cicero, Philippic. 5., ad Brutus epist. 14.; Livy, l.118.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.81.; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.10.; Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, l.3. p. 359. 360.; Dio, l.46. p. 310.)
  39. The office of propraetor was granted by the senate to Caesar Octavian, which he would not accept and was formerly offered to him by the army. Also he should have the same power in managing the war as the consuls had. However, there was a secret order given to the consuls that they should take away from him the two Macedonian legions which were most fit to do service. For this was the intent of their plan. When Antony was defeated, Caesar weakened and all the side of Caesar removed, then Pompey's side should be again restored to the government of the state. When Pansa, the consul, was on his deathbed, he told this to Octavian. (Appian, l.3. p. (574). 575.)
  40. When Octavian found what things had been decreed, he accepted the honours with great joy. He was more overjoyed because the same day he had assumed the office of praetor, he made a sacrifice. In this the livers of twelve of the sacrifices appeared double or folded inwards from the lowest fillets. This meant that within the year his command should be doubled. However, he was displeased that ambassadors were sent to Antony and that the consuls did not prosecute the war seriously under the excuse that it was winter. Thereupon he was compelled to spend all the winter at Forum Cornclis. (Dio, l.46. p. 314.; Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis; Pliny, l.11. c.37.)
  41. Caius Trebonius was the first of all Caesar's murderers that was punished. He governed Asia by a consular power and was killed at Smyrna by the treachery of Dolabella. Trebonius was most ungrateful for the honours Caesar gave him and was one that helped murder him. By sham, he was advanced to the height of the consular dignity. (Cicero, Philippic. 11. 12.; Strabo, l.14. p. 646.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.69.; Appian. l.3. p. 542,543, l.4. p. 624.; Dio, l.47. p. 344.; Orosius, l.6. c.8.) Dolabella entered Smyrna at night and took the proconsul. After he had upbraided him in words, he turned the proconsul over to the banished man, Samiarius. After he had questioned him about the public money, he tortured him by imprisonment and scourgings and by the strappado. [A form of punishment or of torture to extort confession in which the victim's hands were tied across his back and secured to a pulley. He was then hoisted from the ground and let down half way with a jerk.] After two days of this, he commanded him to be beheaded and his head to be carried on a spear. The rest of his body was to be dragged and torn and cast into the sea. Cicero's account (Cicero, Philippic. 11.) is more accurate than that of Appian who stated that this murder was committed by the command of Dolabella when he entered into Asia and was now consul.
  42. Dio wrote that he cast his head before the statue of Caesar. Appian stated that it was ordered to be laid in the praetorian chair where Trebonius dispensed justice from. However, the soldiers and the drudges were angry with him as a partner of the conspiracy and because he detained Antony in a conversation before the doors of the court while Caesar was killed. The soldiers in various ways abused the other part of his body. They made a football of his head in a place that was paved with stones. They so marred the head that no sign of the face remained. Strabo affirmed that there were many parts of the city of Smyrna that were overthrown by Dolabella.
  43. After Asia was seized by Dolabella, P. Lentulus, the extraordinary quaestor, quickly sent a large amount of money to Cassius to help him seize Syria. Lentulus went into the next province of Macedonia to Brutus and tried with his help to recover the province of Asia and its tributes. He stated this in two letters. One was sent publicly to the senate and the other privately to Cicero. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 14. & 15.) He told Cicero that he did not see his son because he had gone into the winter quarters with the cavalry.
  44. Dolabella carried on most cruelly in the province of Asia. (Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 3. 4. with those that were sent forth by the Germans) He took away the Roman tributes and taxed and vexed the Roman citizens. (P. Lentulus in Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 15.) He burdened the cities with new exactions of tributes and hired a navy of the Lucians, Pamphilians, Cilicians by the means of L. Figulus. (Appian, l.4. p. 624.)
  45. The Rhodians were concerned about the lands that they had on the continent, [as they said themselves.] They sent two embassies to Dolabella to protest his actions because they were against their laws, and the magistrates had forbidden it. [??] (P. Lentulus in Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 15.) Brutus wrote that Dolabella was excluded by the Rhodians. [??] (Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 4.)
  46. Aulus Allienus, the lieutenant of Dolabella, went to him after the death of Trebonius. (Cicero, Philippic, 11.) He sent Aulus to Egypt to Queen Cleopatra who favoured him for the acquaintance he had with the former Caesar. She sent four legions to him by Allienus. These were the remainder of the troops after the defeat of Pompey and Crassus. That is the number of those that remained with Cleopatra after Caesar left. She had a navy also ready to help him which could not yet sail because of the contrary winds. (Appian, l.3. p. 576., l.4. p. 623. 626., l.5. p. 675.)
  47. Cicero made a speech about Bassus: (Cicero, Philippic 11.) "as the valiant and victorious army of Q. Cacilius Bassus, a private citizen, but valiant and famous man had prevailed for sometime in Syria."
  48. Q. Marcius [not, as in Appian, Minutius] Crispus the proconsul, [as Cicero calls him, (Cicero, in Philippic 11th.)] solicited help from Statius Marcus who was in Bithynia. [He governed by the decree of Julius Caesar and the approval of the senate. Although Cimber tried to govern this province this year also, by the right of Antony's lottery.] Marcus arrived with three regiments of his own and three from Murcus' troops. He besieged the two regiments of Bassus [called by Strabo tanmata, by Appian tilh, for it is obvious from Cassius' letters to Cicero, that they made only one legion. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 1,12.)] Bassus so stoutly withstood the siege of the two Roman armies that he was not subdued until he obtained the conditions he wanted. Then he surrendered. (Strabo, l.16. p. 752. fin.) When C. Cassius had come with his forces, he was called there by the consent of Murcus Marcius and the army, as Brutus relates in his letters to Cicero. (Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 5.) Bassus would not turn his army over to Murcus. Unless the soldiers had sent messengers to Cassius, Bassus held Apamea without his consent until it had been taken by assault, as Cassius himself wrote to Cicero. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 12.)
  49. Cassius raised the siege before Apamea, Bassus and Murcus were reconciled. Cassius won over to his side those two troops that were besieged and six others that besieged them. Cassius assumed the ensigns of a general and commanded them by proconsular power. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.99.; Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.9., Antiq. l.14. c.18.; Appian, ut supra; Dio, l.47., p. 344)
  50. From this time he assumed the title of proconsul, as appeared on the inscriptions of his letters to Cicero. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.42. epist. 11,12.) Cicero, in his letters to him did not give him that title (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.42. epist. 7,8, 9,10.) because the senate had not yet given him that title. However, Appian thinks otherwise. (Appian, l.3. p, 576. & l.4. p. 623.)
  51. When Cassius had settled all these forces in his camp, there fell suddenly a mighty rain and torrents rushed through every part of the camp and greatly disorganised everything. Some thought this was an omen about his sudden rise to power and a little later, his sudden overthrow. (Dio, l.47. p. 343.)
  52. When Cassius was strengthened with these forces, he immediately subdued all the cities of Syria. He was able to subdue some of those cities by his prestige and position as the quaestor. (Dio, l.47. p. 339. 343.) He went to the cities and took arms and soldiers and exacted very heavy taxes from them. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.18.) Livy wrote that he invaded Syria with three armies which were in that province. (Livy, l.121) Velleius Paterculus stated that he brought them under his control with the legions in that country. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c. 69.)
  53. Marcus Brutus undertook an expedition against C. Antony, who kept Apollonia with seven cohorts. Brutus sent public letters to Rome concerning the things that he had done in Greece and Macedonia which were read in the senate by the consul Pausa. In a speech made by Cicero (Cicero, Philippic 10.) the senate passed a decree that Brutus should retain Macedonia, Illyricum, and all Greece, as proconsul. (Cicero, Philippic 10.; Appian, l.3. p. 567., l.4. p. (622). & 632.)
  54. The body of Trebonius was brought to Rome. When the senate saw how disgracefully is was treated, they declared Dolabella to be an enemy of the state. (Cicero, Philippic. 11.; Livy, l.119.; Appian, l.2. p. 566.; Orosius, l.6. c.8.) A day was appointed for those on his side to leave him otherwise they would be deemed enemies also. (Dio, l.47. p. 344.)
  55. The next day the senate debated about the choice of a general to prosecute the war against Dolabella. L. Caesar thought that this war should be committed to P. Servilius contrary to the normal procedure. Others thought that the consuls should cast lots for Asia and Syria to determine who would fight against Dolabella. Cicero (Cicero, Philippic 11.) in a speech railed fiercely against Dolabella. [Previously, he was Cicero's son-in-law, but shortly after he left Italy they had a great falling out.] Cicero persuaded the senators that this war should be committed to P. Cassius. Scaliger is not correct in his notes on Eusebius [at the number MDCCCLXXIII] about the decree of the senate concerning the command for Cassius. He thought Cicero's opinion did not prevail and that Pansa, the consul, stoutly opposed it. However, Cicero himself is witness in his letters to Cassius about this (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 7.) and added the following about himself: "I promised and also performed it that you had not expected nor should not expect our decrees except that you yourself should defend the commonwealth. Although as of yet we heard nothing, either where you were or what forces you had, yet my opinion was that all the auxiliaries and forces which were in those parts should be under your command. I was confident that the province of Asia should be recovered by you to the commonwealth."
  56. When it was not known at Rome that Cassius had control of Syria, the war against Dolabella was committed to the consuls if the present war against Antony should come to an end. The governors of the neighbouring countries were told not to help Dolabella. (Dio, l.47. p. (433).) By the consul's consent, the government of Asia was confirmed to P. Lentulus Spinther, who now governed them under the title of proquaester and propraetor. This may be seen in his letters to Cicero written after the death of Pansa and Hirtius. [He did not know of their deaths at that time.]
  57. This decree against Dolabella was passed and letters were received from Antony to Hirtius, the consul and Caesar, the propraetor. These are given and refuted by Cicero. (Cicero, Philippic, 13.) Antony to Hirtius and Caesar. "When I knew of the death of C. Trebonius, I rejoiced not so much as I grieved. Such a wicked person received due vengeance and thereby made recompence to the remains of that illustrious hero. The just wrath of heaven was shown so partly before the year's end."
  58. [From this we deduce that Trebonius was killed shortly before the ides of March which followed immediately after the murder of Caesar.] "or that now the wrath of the gods on the parricide is executed or impending, is a reason for joy. The fact that Dolabella is judged an enemy for killing a common murderer and that the son of a parasite [Trebonius] should be held more dear to the people of Rome, than C. Caesar, the very father of our country, is no less to be lamented. Well Aulus Hirtius, it is an enigma that you, who by the very benefits of Caesar attained your honour and were left so well by him that you yourself must needs wonder to whom you owe whatever accomplishment you have done, would act so that as to procure Dolabella to be condemned, that that prisoner should be freed from the siege, and that Brutus and Cassius should grow most powerful. In the same manner do you handle these affairs as you did the former. You call the tents of Pompey, the senate, you accounted Cicero, general even when he was conquered, you fortified Macedonia with armies, committed Africa to Varus, who was twice taken, sent Cassius into Syria, allowed Caesar to enjoy the tribuneship, took the Julian revenues from the Lupercalian officers, abolished the colonies of the veterans. You deduced by law and the decree of the senate and promised to restore to the Mussilienses what you had taken from them by the force of arms. You have forgotten that by the Hirtian Law, no one on Pompey's side that lived should bear any office of dignity. You bribed Brutus with the money of Apuleia. You praised Patus and Menedrusus who were punished with the axe after a city was given to them and who were guests of Caesar. You neglected Theopompus who was destitute and forced to flee from Trebonius into Alexandria. You saw Serpius Galba surrounded in his camp by the same swordbearer. You have contracted either mine or the veteran soldiers to punish those who had killed Caesar. Before they were aware, you had brought them into danger of the quaestor or emperor or their own fellow soldiers. In summary what have you not approved or done? What could Pompey himself do if he were alive or his son if he could be at home? Last of all, you deny that a peace can be made unless I either send Brutus or furnish you with grain. What? Does this please those veterans who have all things entirely because you come with flattering and venomous gifts? You aid the besieged soldiers. I will let them go where they please, so they will deliver him to execution who deserves it. You say a peace was decreed in the senate and write that five consular delegates were appointed. It is difficult for me to believe that those who would have precipitated me when I brought in conditions of the highest equity and yet thinking to remit something of them too, will act in anything either moderately or fairly. It is scarce likely that those who condemned Dolabella for justice, as a crime, would spare us who are of the same opinion. Therefore rather consider whether it be better and more profitable to both sides to prosecute the death of Caesar or Trebonius. See whether it be more fair that we combine that so it may be more easy for us to revive the cause of Pompey that has been so often quashed or to agree lest we become a Ludibrium to our enemies, to whomever prevail, our quarrel will be again. A spectacle that fortune has avoided to see two armies of one body fight [Cicero being the fencer.] Cicero is so skilled in speaking that he will deceive you in the very same way in which Caesar's gold is gloried. For my part, I am resolved neither to bear my own, nor my soldiers' and friends' disgrace. Nor will I forsake that side that Pompey hated, nor to allow the veterans to be moved from their colonies, nor to be drawn one by one to execution, nor to betray Plaucus, the partner in our counsels. If the immortal gods, as I hope they will, shall assist me with my right wits, I will live free. But if other fortune is allotted me, I foretell to you the joy of your own punishments. For if the side of Pompey which is now being conquered, is so insolent, what you shall experience what they will become conquerors. To close, the sum of my opinion is this. I could be content to endure the injuries to me and my side if they would but forget they were done, or were prepared together with us, to revenge Caesar's death. I do not believe that any ambassadors will come. Where the war comes, and, when it comes, what it will require, I would joyfully know."
  59. When the ambassadors who were sent from the senate to Antony to make peace, they were unable to reach an agreement. The whole city of Rome [even those that did not go to the war] put on their soldier's uniforms and made a general muster through all Italy. The armies of A. Hirtius and Caius Caesar, the propraetor, were sent against Antony. (Cicero, Philippic. 6,10, (13).; Livy, l.118.; Appian. l.3. p. 567.; Dio. l.46. p. 311,312.) From the start of this campaign against M. Antony, Eusebius and Cassiodorus derive the start of the government of Caesar Octavian. They assign for it, 56 years and 6 months.
  60. Caius Antony was defeated at a battle which was fought by the Byllis River, by Cicero's son, a captain of Brutus. A little later his soldiers surrendered Antony and themselves to Brutus. For a long time, Brutus very honourably entertained Antony even so much that he did not take from him the ensigns of his office. (Plutarch, in Brutus)
  61. M. Brutus received three legions from Illyricum from Vatinius whom by a decree of the senate, he succeeded in the province of Illyricum. Brutus also received one that he took from Antony in Macedonia and four others, which he had gathered. In all, he had eight legions and in them many of C. Caesar's old veterans. Moreover, he had a large number of cavalry, lightly armed men and archers. He praised the Macedonians and trained them after the Italian manner. (Appian, l.4. p. 632. 633.)
  62. As Brutus was gathering soldiers and money, he had some good fortune in Thracia. Polemocratia, the wife of a certain king who was killed by his enemies, was afraid lest some harm should come to her son. She went to Brutus and commended her son to him and gave her husband's treasure to him. He committed the lad to the Cyzicenians to be raised until he had time to restore him to his father's kingdom. In these treasures, he found a large quantity of gold and silver, which he coined. (Appian, l.4. p. 613.)
  63. After C. Cassius had seized Syria, he travelled toward Judea because he heard that the soldiers that were left in Egypt by Caesar were coming there. He won these troops and the Jews easily to his side. (Dio, l.47. p. 343.) He surrounded Palestina Allienus, the lieutenant of Dolabella, as he returned from Egypt with four Legions before he was aware of him. He forced Allienus to take his side since Allienus did not dare to oppose his eight legions with the four he had. Hence, Cassius controlled 12 legions in all. This was more than he hoped for. As well as, he had some Parthian cavalry who were archers. He was held in high esteem with the Parthians ever since the time that he was the quaestor for Crassus and they thought him to be wiser than Crassus. (Appian, l.3. p. 576., l.4. p. 623,624.)
  64. As soon as he had received these forces that A. Allienus had brought from Egypt, Cassius wrote these letters to Cicero concerning these forces. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 11,12.) This letter was dated on the 7th [nones] of March, from the camp at Tarichaea in Galilee. C. Casius Proconsul, sends hearty commendations to M. Tullius Cicero. "If you are in good health, it is well. I indeed am in good health. Know that I am come into Syria to the generals, L. Murcus and Q. Crispus, both are valiant men and good citizens. As soon as they heard what things happened at Rome, they turned over their forces to me. They, together with me, govern the state with a constant resolution. Know also that the legion that Q. Cacilius Bassus had, came to me. Know also that the four legions that A. Allienus brought from Egypt, were turned over to me by him. I do not think that you need any encouragement to defend both us who are absent and the state, as much as lies in your power. I would have you know that there is not lacking for you and the senate strong help that you may defend the state with great hopes and a constant mind. Other things, L. Cartcius my close friend shall deal with you. Farewell. Date. the Nones of March, from the camp at Tarishea."
  65. After these things, Cassius dismissed Bassus, Crispus and the rest that would not serve under him. He did not harm them in any way. He left Statius Murcus with his office that he had originally and committed the charge of his navy to him. Thus Dio stated. (Dio, l.47. p. 343.) Although it appears from Cassius' own letters to Cicero that Crispus was firmly loyal to him. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 11,12.)
  66. Cassius exacted 700 talents of silver from Judea [not of gold, as it is read in the 45th chapter of the Jewish Histories, as recorded in Arabic, by the Parisiens, in the Bible of many languages.] When Antipater saw his state was in trouble, he feared Cassius' threats. Antipater appointed two of his sons to gather part of the money, Malichus, a Jew who was his enemy, to gather another part and some others to gather the rest. Herod brought first of all 100 talents from Galilee, which he governed, and was greatly favoured by Cassius. It was considered a good policy even then, to win the favour of the Romans at the expense of other men. Under the other governors, the cities were put up for sale along with their inhabitants. The four main cities were Gopha, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamma. Cassius sold the common people of these cities into slavery. Cassius was also so greatly enraged so that he was about to put Malichus to death, but Hyrcanus sent 100 talents by Antipater and appeased his fury. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.9., Antiq. l.14, c.18.)
  67. Caesar Octavian finished the war against Antony that was committed to him, in three months. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.10.) The war was so well managed by him about Mutina that when as he was only twenty years old, Decimus Brutus was freed from the seige and Antony was forced to leave Italy by a dishonourable flight and without his baggage. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.61.) Cicero described the battle in his writings. (Cicero, Philippics, 14) Ser. Galba, who was in the battle, in the beginning of his letters to Cicero, (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.10. epist. 30.) stated that the battle was fought 16 days before May [17th calends]. So that from the third day after the victory of Mutina, they seem to start the time of Caesar Octavian. They reckon it to be 56 years, four months, and one day. This may be seen in Theophilus Antiochenus, in his book to Autolycus and Clement Alexandria, (Clement, l.10. Stromatum) if the errors of his printer are corrected who wrote 46 for 56.
  68. A. Hirtius, the consul [the writer of the Alexandrian and African war, that was fought by Julius Caesar] died in the battle. The other consul Pansa died from his wounds a little later. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 25.; Dio, l.47. p. 343.; Brutus, ibid. l.11, epist. (9).; Livy l.119.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2, c.61 &c) Tibullus assigns this date the birthday in a poem. (Tibullus, l.3. Elegic 5.) Ovid in (Tristium, l.4. Elegic 10.) wrote: "When both the consuls fell with the same fate."
  69. Both the armies of the slain consuls obeyed Caesar. (Eutropius, l.7.; Orosius, l.6. c. 18.)
  70. The senate was very ungrateful to Caesar, who alone survived of the three generals. In a triumph that was decreed to Decimus Brutus, for being freed from the siege at Mutina by Caesar, the senate made no special mention of Caesar and his army. (Livy, l.119.; Velleius, Paterculus, l.2. c.62.) The ambassadors who were freed, were sent to the army and were ordered to speak to the soldiers when Octavian was out of the way. The army was not so ungrateful as the senate was. When Caesar bore this wrong quietly, the soldiers said they would not obey any commands unless their general was present. Without a doubt, they would have taken the legions from Octavian which he had except that they were afraid publicly to decree this. They knew very well the loyalty and love the soldiers had toward Caesar. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.62.; Dio, l.46. p. 317,318.)
  71. The Tarsenses, of their own accord, called Dolabella into Cilicia, as did those of Laodicea into Syria. [??] (Cassius Parmensis. ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 13.)
  72. When Dolabella was about to leave Asia, he sent five cohorts into Chersonesus. Brutus easily captured these because he had five legions, very good cavalry and numerous auxiliaries. (Cicero, ad Brutum, epist. 2. [dated 13 or 11 days before [12 or 14 calends] May]) Dolabella left Asia by land with two legions and Lucius Figulus followed him with the navy. (Appian, l.4. p. 624.)
  73. Four days before [5th calends] of May, the senate debated making war on them that were considered enemies of the state. Servilius, a tribune of the people, thought that Cassius should make war on Dolabella. Caesar agreed and decreed that M. Brutus also should pursue Dolabella, if he thought it profitable and for the good of the state. Brutus should do what he thought was best for the state. Nothing was decreed about Cassius neither as yet were there any letters come to Rome from him. (Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 5.) Cassius showed the reasons for the delay in his letters to Cicero. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 12.)
  74. Dolabella went into Cilicia and Tarsus freely yielded to him. He defeated some forces of Cassius that were in Egae. (Dio, l.47. p. 344.)
  75. Cassius was then in Palestine (Dio, l.47. p. 344.) from where he wrote his second letter to Cicero, dated the 7th [nones] of May from the camp. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 12.) He described the state of his affairs like this: "I have all the armies that were in Syria. I made some delay, while I paid the soldiers those things I promised them, but now I have nothing to hinder me."
  76. He then exhorted Cicero that he would defend the dignity of his soldiers and of the generals, Murcus and Crispus. He added: "I have heard by letters that were written that Dolabella was come into Cilicia with all his forces. I will go into Cilicia. Whatever I shall do, I will do my best to give you speedy notice of it. I willingly wish that we may deserve health of the state and so we shall be happy."
  77. As soon as Cassius left Judea, Malichus plotted Antipater's death. He thought that by his death, Hyrcanus' government would be more secure. When Antipater found out about the plot, he went beyond Jordan and gathered an army from the inhabitants there and from the Arabians. Malichus was an astute politician and denied that he intended any treason and swore before Antipater and his sons that no such thing ever entered his mind. This was especially true since Phasaclus had a garrison in Jerusalem and Herod had the army at his command. So he was reconciled to Antipater. Murcus, the governor of Syria wanted to execute him but Antipater spared his life. Later Murcus found out that Malichus was going around to create a rebellion against Rome in Judea. (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.18.)
  78. When Cassius and Murcus had gathered an army, they made Herod governor of all Coelosyria. They gave him large forces of foot soldiers, cavalry, and naval ships. They promised him the kingdom of Judea after the war was ended that they had against Antony and the young Caesar. (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.19.)
  79. Cassius made many tyrants in Syria. Marion also the tyrant of the Tyrians was left by Cassius and he ruled in Syria. Marion put out the garrisons that were there and captured three citadels in Galilee that were next to Syria. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.10., Antiq. l.14. c.21.)
  80. A certain Cytheraean wrote to Satrius, the lieutenant of C. Trebonius, that Dolabella was killed by Tullius and Dejotarus and that his army was routed. This Greek letter about this matter was sent by Brutus to Cicero, sixteen days before [17th calends] June. (Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. (6).) This turned out to be false.
  81. Dolabella left Asia and went through Cilicia into Syria. He was refused entry into Antioch by the garrison that defended the city. (Dio, l.47. p. 433.) He tried many times to enter by force but was always repulsed with the loss of men. After he had lost about an hundred men, he left behind him many sick and he fled by night from Antioch toward Laodicea. That night almost all the soldiers that he had enrolled in Asia, left him. Some returned to Antioch and surrendered to those whom Callius had left there to control the city. Some went down the hill Amanus into Cilicia. Of these, thirty came into Pamphilia. They were told that Cassius, with all his forces, was only four day's journey away just at the time when Dolabella was arriving there. (P. Lentulus, ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 15.)
  82. Dolabella had intelligence about Cassius' forces, and he came to Laodicea, a city that was friendly to him. It was located on a peninsula and faced toward the continent. It was well fortified and had a good harbour facing the sea. It was very convenient for bringing in provisions and also very opportune for sailing out when and where they pleased. (Appian, l.4. p. 624.) He did not take this city by assault because the citizens truly surrendered themselves to him for the love they had to the former Caesar. (Dio, l.47. p. 344.)
  83. At Jerusalem, when Antipater feasted at Hyrcanus' house, Malichus bribed the king's butler and poisoned Antipater. He gathered a band of soldiers and seized the government of the city. Phasaelus and Herod were very angry and Malichus firmly denied all things. Herod planned to soon revenge his father's death and to raise an army for that purpose. However, Phasaclus thought it better to defeat Malichus by craft lest Herod should start a civilwar. Phasaelus therefore accepted Malichus' defence and pretended to believe him that Malichus was not involved in his father's death. Malichus built a splendid monument for Antipater. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.19.)
  84. Meanwhile, Herod went to Samaria and found it in a desperate situation. He restored order and subdued the dissentions that were among the inhabitants. Not long after this when the feast of Pentecost was approaching, he came into the city of Jerusalem with soldiers. Malichus was afraid and persuaded Hyrcanus not to allow him to enter. Hyrcanus did this under the pretence that among the holy people, it was not lawful to bring in a mixed multitude of profane men. Herod discounted this excuse and entered the city by night. This greatly terrified Malichus. Thereupon, according to his hypocrisy he publicly bewailed with tears the death of Antipater as his great friend. Therefore it was thought good by Herod's friends to take no notice of this hypocrisy but courteously again to entertain Malichus. Herod sent letters to Cassius notifying him of Antipater's death. Cassius knew all too well what kind of man Malichus was and wrote back to Herod that he might revenge his father's death. He secretly ordered the tribunes that were at Tyre, that they should help Herod in doing this. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.19, & 20.)
  85. In Gaul, three days before [4th calends] June, M. Lepidus allied himself with M. Antony. (Plancus ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.10. epist. 23.)
  86. When D. Lentulus, the proquestor of Asia and propraetor extraordinary, saw that Brutus was slow getting into Asia and that Dolabella had left Asia, he thought it best to return as soon as he could from Macedonia to his office. Then he would be able to collect the tribute that was owing and gather up the money that he had left there and send it to Rome. In the meanwhile, as he was sailing about the islands, it was told him that the navy of Dolabella was in Cilicia, [or Lycia] and that the Rhodians had furnished him many ships and already were launched. Therefore he, with those ships that he had or which Patiscus, the ordinary Praetor of Asia had provided, returned to Rhodes. He relied on the decree of the senate by which Dolabella was counted as an enemy and to the league that was renewed with the Rhodians. The Rhodians would not strengthen the proquestor's with their ships. The soldiers were forbidden to come into the city or the port or Rhodes. They were prevented from getting any provisions or even fresh water. Even he had a difficult time getting into the city with his ship. When Lentulus was brought into their city and the elders, he could obtain nothing from them. He complained of this in public letters he sent to the senate and in the private ones he sent to Cicero. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 14,15.)
  87. While Lentulus and Patiscus were detained at Rhodes, Sex. Marius, and C. Titius, the lieutenants of Dolabella found out about their coming and soon fled in a galley from the navy from Cilicia, [or Lycia.] They left their cargo ships which they had spent much time gathering. There were more than an hundred cargo ships and the smallest could carry 2000 tons. Dolabella had provided them for this purpose. If his hopes in Syria and Egypt were frustrated, then he might use these ships to transport all his soldiers and all his money and go directly into Italy. He would ally himself with the two Antonys that were relatives. Therefore Lentulus and Patiscus came there from Rhodes with the ships that they had. They captured all those cargo ships and restored them to their rightful owners. From there, they pursued the navy that fled as far as Sida, the remotest country of the province of Asia. They knew that some of Dolabella's fleet had fled there and that the rest had sailed into Syria and Cyprus, [or Egypt.] These were scattered. When Lentulus heard that Cassius had a very large fleet that was prepared in Syria, he returned to his office. (P. Lentulus, ut supra.)
  88. However, Patiscus and Cassius Parmensis assembled a fleet from the sea coast of the province of Asia and from all the islands they could get ships from. They soon had sailers although the cities were very uncooperative. They pursued the fleet of Dolabella which Lucilius commanded. They encouraged them in the hope that Lucilius would surrender and they sailed as fast as they could. Finally, Lucilius came to Corycus in Pamphilia and burned the harbour and stayed there. Therefore they left Corycus and thought it best to go to Cassius' camp. Another fleet that Tullius Cimber had assembled the previous year in Bithynia under the command of Turulius, the quaestor was following them and so they came to Cyprus. [??] (Cassius Parmensis ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 13.)
  89. Cicero received letters about the affairs of Dolabella and of his arrival into the city of Laodicea. There are extant two letters written to Cicero. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12.) That is the fourteenth from P. Lentulus from Pamphylia on the 2nd [4th of nones] of June. This was not three days before June, [4th of calends] as appears from the following letter to the senate. It refers us to the one which was dated at Perga, and the thirteenth that was later sent from Cassius on the 13th [ides] of June from Cyprus. In the first letter, Cassius tells of the trouble that Dolabella was in after he entered Laodicea. "I hope I shall quickly bring him to punishment, for neither has he any place to flee to, nor can he resist so great an army as Cassius has."
  90. The other letter was from Cassius [if I be not mistaken] Parmensis, who was also one of the murderers of Julius Caesar. He wrote that taunting letter to Octavian, as mentioned by Suetonius [Suetonius, in Octavian, c.4.) and was not from Cassius Longinus, who then held the office of proconsul of Syria of whom he also mentioned at the end of this letter. From him we have a more accurate description of Dolabella's camp: "The Tarsenses are very bad allies and the citizens of Laodicea, much more mad. Of their own accord they sent for Dolabella. He had gotten a number of Greek soldiers from both cities and made a kind of an army. He has placed his camp before the city of Laodicea and has broken down part of the wall. He has joined his camp to the town. Our Cassius with ten legions, twenty companies of auxiliaries and 4000 cavalry has his camp at Palium within twenty miles. He thinks he may defeat him without once striking a stroke for wheat is now selling for three tetradrachmas in Dolabella's camp. Unless he has gotten some supplies by the ships of Laodicea, he must shortly perish from famine. He cannot supply himself because of the large navy which Cassius has under the command of Quintilius Rufus. Those ships that I, Turulius, and Patiscus have brought, will easily assist him."
  91. Dolabella had been at Laodicea some time in good estate. His navy had followed him quickly from Asia. [??] He went to the Aradians to receive from them money and shipping. He was surprised by a few soldiers and was in extreme danger. As he fled, he met the army of Cassius and was defeated. He retired to Laodicea. (Dio, l.47. p. 344.)
  92. Cassius feared that Dolabella might escape from there and raised a rampart a quarter mile long across the isthmus. It was made with stones and materials brought from the villages that were outside the city and from the sepulchres. He sent messengers to request ships from Phoenicia, Lycia and Rhodes. They were slighted by all of them except the Sidonians. He engaged in a naval battle with Dolabella in which, after the loss of many ships on both sides, five together with all the sailors were taken by Dolabella. (Appian. l.4. p. 624.)
  93. Again, Cassius sent messengers to those that had slighted his first commands and to Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt and to Serapion who commanded her forces in Cyprus. The tyrants and Aradians and Serapion, without the queen's advice, sent as many ships as they had. The queen excused herself and said that the Egyptians were troubled with famine and pestilence and so sent no ships at all. (Appian, l.5. p. 675.) Also the Rhodians denied they would help in anything toward the civilwars. They said that even those ships that they had given to Dolabella, were only to transport him and they did not know if he used them for war or not. (Appian, l.4. p. 625.)
  94. The Tarsenses tried to keep Tullius Cimber [who was also one of Caesar's murderers] from crossing the Taurus Mountains as he was hurrying to help Cassius. They through fear that Cimber had large forces with him, left the passes and made an agreement with him. Later when they knew the small size of his force, they refused him entrance into their city and did not supply him with provisions. Therefore Cimber thought it better to take his forces to Cassius than to assault Tarsus. He built a fort against them and returned into Syria. When the Tarsenses went there with soldiers they seized the citadel and attacked the city Adana. [It was close to them and they always had a controversy with it because they said they favoured Cassius' side.] When Cassius knew of this, he sent L. Rufus against the Tarsenses. (Dio, l.47. p. 345.)
  95. After Cassius had repaired his fleet as best as he could and after Statius Murcus arrived with the navy he had assembled, he had two more naval battles with Dolabella. In the first, there were equal losses on both sides. In the second battle, he was more successful. On land he had finished his rampart. He brought the battery rams to the walls. Dolabella was prevented from getting supplies by land or sea. Lacking supplies, he soon made an attack but was driven back into the town. (Dio, l.47. p. 345.; Appian, l.4. p. 615.)
  96. Cassius was unable to bribe the night watch whom Marsus commanded. He bribed the day watch whom Quintius commanded so that while Marsus slept by day, Cassius got in by some of the smaller gates and the city was taken. Dolabella asked one of his guard to cut his throat and then escape. The guard cut Dolabella's throat then cut his own. (Appian, l.4. p. 465., l.5. p. (673).) We read in the first Suasory of M. Seneca that Dellias [or Q. Dellias, the historian]: "was about to go from Dolabella to Cassius to secure for his own safety if he should kill Dolabella."
  97. Thus Dolabella was forced to commit suicide by Cassius at Laodicea. (Livy. l.121.; Strabo. l.16. p. 752.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.69.; Dio, l.47, p. 345.; Orosius, l.6. c. 18.) Marsus also committed suicide (Appian, l.4. p. 625.) as did M. Octavian, the lieutenant of Dolabella. Cassius afforded them a proper burial although they cast out Trebonius unburied. Those that had followed the camp, although they were declared enemies at Rome, he both gave them quarter and immunity. He did not punish Laodicea any more than by imposing a sum of money on them. (Dio, l.47. p. 345.) Although Appian says that he plundered both the temples and treasury and exacted very large tribute from the rest. Also that he executed every noble man and so brought that city to a most miserable state. (Appian, l.4. p. 625. 626.)
  98. Cassius commanded the army of Dolabella to take the military oath of loyalty to him. (Appian, l.4. p. 625.) Then he went to Tarsus. When he saw that the Tarsenses had already surrendered to Rufus, he fined them in all the private and public money and laid no other punishment on them. (Dio. l.47. p. 345.) He imposed a most heavy tax on them of 1500 talents. Thereupon for lack of money when the soldiers violently tried to collect it, they were forced to sell all their public and sacred ornaments and broke down the sacred and the dedicated things. When this was not enough to pay the sum, the magistrates sold those that were born free, first virgins and boys. Later they sold women and old men which fetched very little. Finally they sold the young men, many of whom killed themselves. (Appian, l.4. p. 625.)
  99. After the capture of Laodicea, the governors came from every place and brought crowns and presents to Cassius. Herod expected that Malichus should be here punished for the murder of his father Antipater. However, Malichus suspected this and thought to make the Phoenicians about Tyre to revolt. Since his son was kept in that city as an hostage, he thought to steal him away privately into Judea. While Cassius was preparing for war against Antony, he would stir the Jews to revolt from the Romans and to depose Hyrcanus, and get the kingdom for himself. Herod was a shrewd politician and when he knew of this treachery, he invited both Malichus and Hyrcanus with their companions to supper. At that time he sent out one of his servants under the pretence to provide for the banquet. However, he sent him to the tribunes that they might kill Malichus. The tribunes remembered the orders of Cassius and went out and found him near the city on the shore. They ran him through and killed him. Hyrcanus was so astonished that he fainted. He had barely come to himself when he asked who killed Malichus. One of the tribunes said that it was done by the orders of Cassius. Then Hyrcanus replied: "truly Cassius has preserved me and my country, by killing the one who was a traitor to both,"
  100. In is uncertain whether he spoke from fear or if he approved of the action. (Josephus, Wars, c.9., Antiq. l.14. c.20.)
  101. The day before July, M. Lepidus was decreed an enemy of the state because he entertained Antony. Also the rest that had revolted from the state were declared as enemies. The law was to come into effect before the first of September. [??] Thus Cicero wrote to C. Cassius, the relative of Lepidus. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.12. epist. 10.) He added: "we had gallantly overcome all had not Lepidus entertained Antony after he was pillaged, disarmed and fleeing. Therefore Antony was never so much hated by the city as Lepidus. He raised war from a state that was in troubles but Lepidus when it was in peace and quiet."
  102. In the same letter Cicero showed that he received letters from Cassius, dated from the camp, the 7th [nones] of March. Cassius stated he held Syria and that he prepared for his expedition into Cilicia against Dolabella. The news of the success of that expedition and of the defeat of Dolabella had not yet reached Rome. He had written to Caesar of his returning to favour as in like manner Brutus had done to the senate concerning the state of affairs. (Dio, l. 47. p. 343.) Brutus, in his letters sent to Caesar, persuaded him to resist Antony and to side with him. (Dio, l.47. p. 340.) However, in his letters to Cicero, Brutus said something quite different for when Cicero had wrote to Caesar: "that there was one thing desired and expected from him that he would let those citizens live in quiet whom good men and the people of Rome thought well of."
  103. In a rage, Brutus wrote back again to Cicero: "What if he will not, shall we not be? It is better not to live, than to live by his means. I, by my loyalty do not think all the gods, to be so averse from the safety of the people of Rome, that Octavian must be intreated for the safety of one private citizen. I will not say for the deliverers of the whole world." (Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 16.)
  104. When the senate was informed of the affairs of Cassius, it confirmed the government of Syria on him, [which he then held] and committed the war against Dolabella to him, [which they knew to have been already ended.] (Dio, l.47. p. 343,344.) So all governments beyond the sea were committed to the care of Brutus and Cassius. A decree was issued that all the provinces and armies from the Ionian Sea, to the east, who obeyed the Romans, should be obedient to these two. The senate approved of all the things that they had done and praised those armies that had surrendered to them. (Velleius Paterculus, l.c.62.; Appian, l.3. p. 567,568.)
  105. Octavian saw that the actions of the senate were obviously to the advantage of Pompey's side and to the detriment of Caesar's. He thought it a disgrace that Decimus Brutus instead of himself, was chosen as general for the war against Antony. He concealed his discontent and he requested a triumph for the victory at Mutina. He was slighted by the senate as though he demanded greater things than were suitable for his age. He feared lest that if Antony should be utterly vanquished, he should be more slighted. He began to have some thoughts of siding with Antony according to the advice which Pansa gave him on his death bed. (Appian, l.3. p. 568.) An agreement with Antony was made by M. Lepidus. (Livy, l.119.; Orosius, 6. c.18.)
  106. Between these three therefore the alliance for controlling the government started. They started by sending letters among themselves and mentioned how they were treated. Antony warned Caesar, how formidable enemies, Pompey's side were to him and to what an height they had come. Brutus and Cassius were extolled by Cicero. Antony told Caesar that he would join his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were commanders of 17 legions, if Caesar refused his alliance. He said moreover that Caesar ought more to revenge the death of his father than he the death of his friend. By the advice and entreaty of the armies, there was an alliance made between Antony and Caesar. The daughter-in-law of Antony was betrothed to Caesar. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.65.) She was Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, by a former husband, P. Clodius, and was scarcely of marriageable age. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.62.)
  107. When the agreement was made with M. Antony, M. Lepidus, then Octavian sent 400 soldiers to Rome to demand the consulship for him in the name of the army. When the senate began to vacillate, Cornelius, a centurion, the leader of the men that brought the message, thrust his soldier's coat behind him and showed the hilt of his sword. He boldly said before the senate: "This shall do it, if you will not do it:"
  108. The senate was compelled by Octavian's soldiers. Octavian went toward Rome with them. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.26.; Appian, l.3. p. 582.; Dio, l.46. p. 319.)
  109. While he was on his journey, the praetors placed guards in various places of the city and seized Janiculum with a guard of soldiers they had already in the city and with two legions that had come from Africa. When Octavian entered the city, the praetors came down from Janiculum and surrendered themselves and their soldiers to him. The legions voluntarily gave their ensigns to him. (Appian, l.3. p. 584,585.; Dio, l.46. p. 320.) In the month of August, the legions that were brought from Janiculum, followed Octavian as it is in the decree of the senate. (Macrobius, Saturnal, l.1. c.12.)
  110. On the first day of the choosing of consuls, as Octavian was making an augury in the field of Mars, six vultures appeared to him. When he was selected as consul and spoke to the soldiers from the rostrum, six vultures [some say twelve] appeared again. This was what happened to Remulus in his auguries when he was about to build Rome. Based on this, he hoped that he would found the monarchy. (Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.95.; Appian, l.3. p 586.; Dio, l.46. p. 320.) After he was chosen as consul, those with him fled to Quintus Pedius, his colleague. He gave Octavian his portion from the inheritance of Julius Caesar. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.95.; Appian, l.3. p. 586.; Dio, l.46. p. 320.)
  111. Livy said that he was made consul when he was only 19 years old. (Livy, l.119.) However, Suetonius more correctly wrote that he became the consul in the 20th year of his age. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.16.) Eutropius (Eutropius, l.7.) which also Plutarch confirms (Plutarch, in Octavian) in this writing from Brutus: "his army being planted about the city, he received the consulship, being scarcely come to a man's estate being but twenty years old, as he relates in his own commentaries."
  112. Velleius wrote: (Valleius Paterculus, l.2. c.65.) "he was made consul, the day before he was twenty years old, nine days [10th calends] before October"
  113. However, Velleius was mistaken in the day he became consul. For there lacked an whole month and five days before Octavian turned 20. He was not born in the month of September but he first obtained the consulship in August from whence the month Sextilus was called August as it is shown from Suetonius (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.31.; Dio, l.50. p. 552.) and from the decree of the senate as recorded by Macrobius. (Macrobius, Saturnal. l.1. c.12.)
  114. Dio noted that on the 19th day of the month of August, he was made consul the first time and that he died the same day. (Dio, l.56. p. 590.) From this observation in Tacitus, (Tacitus, Annals, l.1. c.9.) arose: "The same day was the beginning of his acceptance of the empire and the last of his life."
  115. His empire is not incorrectly started from this first consulship which he extorted from the senate against their will, as it is in Tacitus, (Tacitus, Annals, l.1. c.10.) and laid it down at his own pleasure. Octavian hypocritically thanked the senate and pretended that he accounted it a benefit that those things which he extorted by force as if they were offered to him of their own accord. The senators bragged that they had conferred these things on him of their own accord. Moreover, they gave to him whom they did not think worthy of the consulship, that after his consulship was over, whenever he commanded the army he would have precedence over the consuls. The consuls commanded the other armies to obey him whom they had threatened to punish because he had gathered forces by his own private authority. The senate assigned the legions of Brutus to Octavian to disgrace Brutus and for the repressing of whom the war against Antony was committed to him. In short the custody of the city was given to him and it was granted that he should have power even without any prescription from the law, to do whatever he wanted. (Dio, l.46. p. 321.) He retained this power as long as he lived, for the next 56 years. There was good reason why Brutus warned Cicero about this: (Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 4.) "I am afraid, lest your Caesar will think himself to have risen so high by your decrees that he will scarcely come down again if he is once made a consul."
  116. Octavian was not content with the former adoption made by the last will of Julius Caesar and had it confirmed by a decree of the people [which Antony had prevented the previous year] in a full assembly of their wards. He then assumed by public authority the name of C. Julius Caesar Octavian. (Appian, l.3. p. 586.; Dio, l.46. p. 321. 322.)
  117. Octavian soon passed another law that he absolved Dolabella, [whose death was not yet known in Rome], who was declared an enemy by the senate and sentenced to die for the death of Caesar. (Appian, l.3. p. 586.) Octavian did this so that it might be thought that he did nothing by force but by law. Quintus Paedius, his colleague in the consulship, made the law called Paedia which decreed that all those who were involved in the murder of Caesar, would be banished and their goods confiscated. (Livy, l.120.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.69.; Suetonius, in Nero, c.3.; Dio, l.46. p. 322.) He appointed L. Cornificius to accuse M. Brutus and M. Agrippa to accuse C. Cassius. They were absent and were condemned without any hearing of their case. (Plutarch, in M. Brutus) Capito, the eunuch of Velleius Paterculus, one of the senatorial order, supported M. Agrippa against C. Cassius. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.69.)
  118. Decimus Brutus, one of the murderers also of Caesar and was absent, was also condemned. By the orders of M. Antony, in the house of a certain guest of his who was a noble man called Camelius, Decimus was killed by Capenus, a Burgundian, a year and an half after the death of Caesar. (Livy, l.120.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.64.; Appian, l.3. p. 588.; Orosius, l.6. c.18.) Cicero said Decimus excelled in this kind of virtue: (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l.11. epist. 21.) "he never was afraid nor ever disturbed"
  119. However, Seneca stated (Seneca, epist. 82.) that he showed a cowardly fear when facing death. To encourage him, Helvius Blasio, a man who always loved him because they always were fellow soldiers, killed himself. Decimus witnessed this and was strengthened so he could endure his own death. (Dio, l.46. p. 325.) Camelius sent the head of the dead Brutus to Antony. When he saw it, he gave it to his friends to bury. (Appian, l.3. p. 388.)
  120. Trebonius was the next to die for the murder of Caesar. He was the closest friend with the murders and he thought it best to keep those things that he had received from Caesar even though he thought Caesar must die who gave those things to him. While Caesar was alive, Trebonius was the master of the cavalry and commanded the farther Gaul. He was also elected consul by Caesar in the following year after the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa and was also made governor of nearer Gaul. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. p. 64.; Appian, l.3. p. 388.)
  121. Also at the same time, Minutius Basillus, one of the murderers of Caesar, was killed by his own servants because in his anger he had castrated some of them. (Appian, l.3. p. 388.; Orosius, l.6. c.18.)
3962 AM, 4671 JP, 43 BC
  1. When M. Brutus had appeased the army that was likely to rebel by the instigation of C. Antony at Apollonia along with C. Clodius, [??] Brutus went into the higher Macedonia with the largest and strongest part of his army and from there crossed into Asia. He wanted to take them as far away from Italy as possible so that he could better control the troops. In Asia, he received many auxiliaries including those from Dejotarus, a man that was now very old and who formerly had denied help to C. Cassius. (Dio. l.47. p. 340,341.)
  2. M. Antony and M. Lepidus left their lieutenants in Gaul and went to Caesar in Italy with the largest and best part of the army. (Dio, l.46. p. 325.) When those three armies met at Bononia, an eagle sat on the tent of Caesar and drove off two crows that troubled her to the ground. All the army noted this and thought it portended that a time was coming when there would be a difference arise between the colleagues and that Caesar would get the victory over them both. (Dio. l.47. p. 328.; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.96.)
  3. These three had a three day private conference at the confluences around Bononia and Mutina in a certain little island that is made by the Lavinius River. They made peace among themselves and agreed that they should jointly govern the state's affairs for five years. (Livy, (120).; Florus, l.4. c.6.; Plutarch, in Cicero, Antony; Appian, l.4. p. 589,590.; Dio, l.46. p. 325,326.)
  4. Here by a common decree they decided these things. Caesar would turn over the consulship to Ventidius for the rest of the year. A new office of the triumviri would be established to avoid all civildisorder. Lepidus along with Antony and Caesar would hold that office for five years with consular power. The triumviri would immediately be annual magistrates for the city for five years. The provinces should be so divided that Antony should have all Gaul as well as Togara on this side the Alps and Comata on the other side excluding the province of Narbon. Lepidus should have the command of Narbon together with Spain. Africa, along with Sardinia and Sicily should be Caesar's share. Thus was the Roman Empire divided among the triumviri. They deferred the division of the provinces over which Brutus and Cassius commanded. Moreover it was agreed among them that they should put to death their enemies and that Lepidus should for the following year be chosen consul in the place of Decimus Brutus. He would have the guard of Rome and all Italy and that Antony and Caesar would carry on the war against Brutus and Cassius. (Appian, l.4. p. 590.; Dio, l.46. p. 326.)
  5. On the third day, the triumviri entered Rome, each separately with his praetorian cohort and one legion. When Publius Titius, the tribune of the people, called an assembly of the wards, he passed a law for the establishing of the new office. The triumviri were given consular power for five years to restore order to the state. (Appian, l.4. p. 592,593.; Dio, l.47. p. 328.)
  6. When the triumviri arrived, Cicero left the city and was assured which also come to pass that he could no more escape Antony than Brutus and Cassius could escape Caesar. (Livy with Seneca in a speech, Suasoria. 7.]
  7. M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. Antony and Caesar Octavian, four days before December [5th calends] began the triumvirate. This was to continue to the days before the month of January which was to be six years [or of the sixth year following.] This appears from the Collation Marble. (in inscription Gruteri, p. 198.) At that time, M. Terentius Varro saw Rome rise up with three heads. From that time, Suetonius (Suetonius, Octavian, c.8.) and Eutropius, (Eutropius, l. 7.) derive the beginning of the government of Caesar Octavian. This was almost 12 years [less three months] before the victory at Actium from which they begin his monarchy.
  8. On the 7th [7th ides] of December when Caesar Octavian substituted himself and Quintus Paedius for the consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius, Marcus Cicero was killed by some that were sent from M. Antony. The writer of the dialogue of the causes of corrupted eloquence confirms from the writings of Tiro, a freed man of Cicero's which is ascribed to C. Tacitus. This was the end of his life who was the first that in peace deserved the triumph and laurel of the tongue and was the father of eloquence and Latin learning. Julius Caesar had previously written about him that he had obtained a laurel far beyond all triumphs and by how much it is a greater matter to have extended the bounds of the Roman learning than of the empire. (Pliny, l.7. c. 30.) These things are recorded about Cicero by these writers. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.66; Seneca, in Suasoris oration 7; Plutarch, in Cicero, fin.)
  9. Cleopatra brought no forces to Cassius although he demanded auxiliaries from her by threats. (Appian, l.5. p. 675.)
  10. While Brutus was in Asia, Gellius Publicola conspired against Cassius [??] and in Macedonia Gellius' brother, Marcus, sent some for this purpose to get Caius Antony. Therefore Caius Clodius who was left as Antony's guard, killed him when he could no longer keep him safe. He did this on either his own authority or by the orders of Brutus. It is reported that Brutus had a great concern for the safety of C. Antony. After he knew of Brutus' death, he took no more care of him. However, Antony did not punish Gellius although he was guilty of treason against him. He knew that Brutus always considered him among his closest friends and that Marcus Messala, his brother, was very nearly allied to Cassius. Therefore he let him alone. [??] (Dio, l. 49. p. 341.)
  11. As soon as Brutus knew of the acts of M. Antony and the death of Caius Antony, he feared lest there be some new rebellion arise in Macedonia. He hurried back into Europe. (Dio, l.49. p. 341.)
  12. The triumviri at Rome decreed the construction of a temple to Isis and Serapis. (Dio, l. 49. p. 336.)
  13. When Octavian had resigned the consulship and his colleague Q. Paedius was dead, the triumviri created consul, P. Ventidius [Bassa] the praetor along with C. Curtinus. This may be shown from the inscription in Gruterus. (Gruterus, from the Collation marble, p. 297.) They gave the praetorship to one who was aedile and afterwards removed all the praetors from their office, five days before the office was to expire. They sent them into the provinces and appointed others in their places. (Dio, l.49. p. 335.) This is what Paterculus referred to: (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.65.) "This year saw Ventidius, both as consul and praetor in that city, through which he was led in a triumph to Picencium among the captives."
  14. He was led in triumph. This is described in more detail by (Valerius Maximus, l.6. c.9.; A. Gellius, l.15. c.4.; Pliny, l.7. c.43.) Maxiumus added that he got his living when he was a young man very humbly by providing mules and coaches for the magistrates that were to go into the provinces. Thereupon these verses were commonly written through all the streets: You augurs and auruspices draw near, We have an uncouth wonder happened here; He that rubbed mules doth Salve Consul hear.
  15. At the end of the year, those who were recently elected consuls held a triumph. L. Munatius Plancus triumphed for Gaul 3 days before January [4th calends.] M. Emilius Lepidus held a triumph for Spain, the day before of January. This appears from the Marble Records of Triumphs. (Gruter, in inscript, p. 297.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.67.; Appian, l.4. p. 607.)
  16. In the fourth Julian year, a day was incorrectly added to February. Only three years had elapsed from the first February of the first Julian year until that time. This error continued until the 37th Julian year. They should have added a day at the end of every four years before the fifth year began. The priests added a day at the beginning of the fourth year and not after it was ended. So the year that was correctly ordered by Julius Caesar was disordered by their negligence. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.31.; Macrobius, Saturnal., c.14. fin.)
  17. After M. Brutus had settled all things in Macedonia, he went back again into Asia. (Dio, l. 47. p. 341.) he took a large army there and arranged a fleet in Bithynia and at Cyzicum. He went by land and settled all the cities and heard the complaints of the governors. (Plutarch, in Brutus) He set Apuleius, who had fled to him from the proscription of the triumviri, over to Bithynia. (Appian, l.4. p. 616.)
  18. The letters which Brutus wrote in a laconic style to those who were in Asia, are still extant. Aldus preserved them in Greek and Ranutius Florentius translated and recorded them in Latin. Plutarch relates three in his work on Brutus. (Plutarch, in Brutus) The first one is to the Pergamenian is seen at the beginning of the collection that was already published. Another one was to the Rhodians and we shall recite it. The third and shortest of all is inscribed in the published Greek copies to the Bithynians and in the Latin copy of Ranutius to the Galatians and in Plutarch to the Samians. It says this: "Your council is to no purpose, your obedience to commands are very slow. What do you think will be the end of these things?"
  19. Cassius intended to go into Egypt when he heard that Cleopatra had sided with Caesar and Antony with her large navy. He thought that by this, he might punish her and prevent her from doing this. She was bothered with a famine and had almost no foreign help because of the sudden departure of Allienus with four Roman legions. (Appian, l.4. p. 625., l.5. p. 675.)
  20. He hoped that he would have a suitable occasion for this venture when Brutus recalled him to Syria by messenger after messenger. (Appian, l.4. p. 625., l.5. p. 675.; Plutarch, in Brutus) He gave up on his Egyptian plans and he sent again his lightly armed cavalry with bribes to the king of the Parthians. He sent his lieutenants with them to request more help. (Appian, l.4. p. 625.)
  21. Cassius left his brother's son in Syria with one legion and sent his cavalry ahead of him to Cappadocia. They attacked Ariobarzanes by surprise and took away a great amount of money and other provisions. Cassius returned from Syria and took pity on the Tarsenses who were most miserably oppressed. He freed them from paying any tribute in the future. (Appian, l.4. p. 626.) When his affairs were settled in Syria and Cilicia, he went to Asia to Brutus. (Dio, l.47. p. 345. fin.)
  22. After Cassius left Syria, there was a sedition at Jerusalem. Faelix, who was left there [by Cassius] with soldiers, revenged Malichus' death and attacked Phasaelus and the people took up arms. Herod was there with Fabius, the governor of Damascus and he planned to help his brother but was prevented by illness. However, Phasaelus withstood Faelix's attack and first forced him into the town and after agreeing on conditions, he allowed him to go out. Phasaelus was very angry with Hyrcanus who had received so many benefits from him and yet he favoured Faelix and allowed the brother of Malichus to seize some citadels. He held many and among the rest Masada was the strongest. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.10., Antiq. l.14. c.20.)
  23. Brutus and Cassius were very joyful and confident when they met at Smyrna and considered their forces that they had. When they left Italy, they were poor and without arms and like abject exiles. They did not have so much as one ship rigged, one soldier or one friendly town. In a short time, they met together with a fleet and were outfitted with cavalry and foot soldiers as well as money to pay them. They were ready to fight for the Roman empire. [Cassius desired to have the same honour as Brutus and to give him the like. Brutus commonly prevented him and came often to him because he was the older and his body the strongest.] [??] (Plutarch, in Brutus)
  24. Both of them planned the war against the triumviri. (Livy, l.122.) Brutus wanted to go into Macedonia with their joint forces and to settle all in one large battle. The enemy had 40 legions, of which eight were transported over sea to Iconium. Cassius thought otherwise. On the contrary, Cassius thought the forces of the enemy were contemptible and that they would lack provisions for so large a force. The best way was to quell those who favoured the enemy as the Rhodians and Lycians, who were strongest at sea. Otherwise, while they were attacking the enemy, they would attack from behind. Cassius' opinion prevailed. (Appian, l.4. p. 626.) When they heard that the triumviri were busy about settling the affairs at Rome, they supposed they should have work enough. Sextus Pompey controlled the way against them in Sicily, that was so near. (Dio, l.47. p. 346.)
  25. Moreover, at Smyrna, Brutus desired that he might have part of the money of which Cassius had a large amount of. Brutus said that he had spent all that he had in preparing a fleet by which they might control the whole inland sea. However, Cassius' friends were against Cassius giving Brutus any. They said it was unjust that what they had saved by frugality and gotten by hard work should be spent in bribing soldiers. In spite of this, Cassius gave a third of everything to him. So both of them went to their own work. (Plutarch, in Brutus)
  26. They either went themselves or sent their lieutenants and drew to their side those who had opposed them. They got more men and money to fight the war. All those who lived in those parts and formerly were not so much as spoken to, presently came to side with them. Although Ariobarzanes and the Rhodians and Lycians did not oppose them, yet they refused Cassius' and Brutus' alliance. Brutus and Cassius suspected them of favouring the opposing side because they had received so many favours from the former Caesar. They feared lest in their absence, they should raise some stirs and incite the rest not to keep their promise. They determined first of all to attack them and hoped that by their superior forces they would easily convince them to side with them either willingly or through force. (Dio, l.47. p. 346.)
  27. As soon as Herod was recovered, he went against the brother of Malichus and recaptured all the citadels that he had seized. Herod also recovered three citadels in Galilee that were seized by Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians. He allowed all the garrison soldiers of the tyrants to leave on conditions. He sent some of them home well rewarded and by this he won the affection of the city and hatred of the tyrant. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.10., Antiq. l.14. c.20. 21.)
  28. The Tarsenses, who had resisted Cassius, were commended by the triumviri. They were given the hope that they would receive something for the losses they had sustained. Also Cleopatra obtained, in that she had sent help to Dolabella, that her son, Ptolemy, whom she said she had by Caesar and was therefore called Caesarion, should be called king of Egypt. (Dio, l. 47. p. 345.)
  29. Brutus demanded men and money from the Lycians because Naucrates, an orator domanaiou had compelled the cities to revolt. They placed themselves on some hills to keep Brutus from passing through. First he sent his cavalry against them when they were eating and the cavalry killed 600 of them. Later he took some citadels and smaller towns and then he let them all go free without ransom so that he might win the favour of the country. However, they were obstinate and discontented for the losses they had received and despised his clemency and good will. (Plutarch, in Brutus)
  30. Brutus defeated in a battle the common army of the whole country of the Lycians. He took over their camp also and entered it as they fled. Many cities surrendered to him. (Dio, l.47, p. (347).)
  31. Then he besieged the most warlike of them and forced them to retire within the walls of Xanthum (Plutarch, in Brutus) They had levelled their walls to the intent that Brutus should have neither retreat nor materials. They well fortified their city and drove the enemy from the fortifications. They made a ditch fifty feet deep and as broad so that when they stood on the bank they could use their javelins and arrows as if they had been divided by an unfordable river while Brutus endeavoured to get over the ditch. Brutus covered his storm troopers with hurdles and divided his army into two to follow up the assault by night and by day. He brought his materials from a distance [as it is usually done when the business goes on well,] and still urged them on to hasten the work. They did whatever was to be done with great earnestness and labour. Therefore although at the first he thought, he could not overcome the strong resistance of the enemy for many months yet he finished his matter within a few days. He assaulted the besieged from a distance with engines and close to the gate with his cohorts. He continually rotated his men that were wearied or wounded with fresh men. Likewise the enemy held out manfully as long as the fortifications held but they lost heart and the town was battered with the engines. When Brutus knew what would happen, he ordered those who besieged the gate to retreat. The men of Xanthum thought this was done through negligence of the guard and sallied out by night with torches to burn the engines. However, the Roman cohorts hurried there as was prearranged and the enemy quickly fled back to the gate. Those who kept the gate had shut it lest the enemy should break in with them that fled. Hence there was a large slaughter of them that were shut out of the town. (Appian, l.4. p. 633. 634.)
  32. A river ran past the city. As some tried to escape by swimming underwater but they were taken again by the nets which were let down into the river across the channel. The nets had bells which hung at the top of them which signalled when anyone was entangled. (Plutarch, in Brutus)
  33. The men of Xanthum sallied out again about noon and drove back the guards and burnt all the engines. Since the gate was open for them to return, 2000 Romans rushed in together with the townsmen and others entered in a disorderly fashion. The portcullis [heavy iron grate] fell upon them, either by the action of the men of Xanthum or by the ropes breaking by which it was let down. Therefore all the Romans that had broken in, were either beaten down or shut in. They could not draw it up again without ropes. They were attacked from above by the men of Xanthum and they very barely got into the market place even though it was close by. The area around there was full of archers. Since the Romans had neither bows nor arrows, they fled into the temple of Sarpedon lest they be surrounded. In the meantime, the Romans that were outside, were very anxious for them that were trapped within. Brutus was running up and down and tried all things in all places to rescue them. They could not break open the portcullis and they had lost their ladders and wooden towers by the fire. However, some presently made ladders and other brought props to the walls and used them for ladders. Some fastened hooks to ropes and cast them up onto the walls. As often as any held, they climbed up by them. (Appian, l.4. p. 634.)
  34. The Oenandeses, their neighbours and enemies, were at that time the allies of Brutus. They climbed up the steep rocks whom the Romans presently followed with great earnestness. Many fell down when they lost their footing. However, some got over the wall and opened a little gate. Before the gate was a fortification of sharp stakes set very thickly. By the help of these, the most daring got up. When their numbers increased, they went to break the gate open which had no bars to strengthen it. Others also tried to do the same on the other side since the Xanthians attacked those who had fled into the temple of Sarpedon. Those on both sides of the gate, broke it open. At sunset, with such furious noise they rushed in one company. They gave a loud shout as a sign to those that were trapped. (Appian, l.4. p. 634,635.)
  35. The Romans rushed into the city and set some houses on fire. The fire first terrified them who saw this being done. Those who were farther off thought that the city was taken. Therefore the neighbours, of their own accord, set their own houses on fire, but the most killed one another. (Dio, l.4. p. 347.) They retired inside their own houses and they killed everyone who was dear to them. They willingly offered their throats to be cut. There was such a lamentable cry made at that time, that Brutus thought the soldiers were sacking the city which he had forbidden by public criers. When he was better informed, he pitied the generous disposition of these men who were born to liberty. He sent messengers and invited them to peace. They drove them back with their arrows. After they first killed all that belonged to them and laid them on funeral piles and set them on fire, then they cut their own throats. This how was Appian relates the story. (Appian, l.4. p. 635.) However Plutarch relates it like this.
  36. Brutus was afraid least the city should be destroyed and ordered the soldiers to put out the fire and to help the city. However a great and incredible desperation suddenly seized the Lycians, which you may well compare to a desire of death. For both free men and slaves, both old and young, with women and children, assailed the enemy from the wall that came to quench the fire. The Xanthians themselves brought reeds and all combustible matter to set the city on fire. When they had done this, they used all the means they could to increase it. After all the city was ablaze, Brutus was grieved for this and went about the city to help it. He stretched out his hands to the Xanthians and intreated them to spare the city. No one obeyed him. Indeed they killed themselves by all manner of ways including men and women and even little children. With loud crys and howlings, they threw themselves into the fire and some headlong from the wall. Some offered their naked throats to the swords of their fathers and wanted them to kill them. After the city was thus consumed, there was one woman seen hanging by a rope who had her dead child hanging at her neck. She had a fiery torch with which she set her house on fire. The sight appeared so tragic that Brutus could not endure to behold it. When he was told of it, he started weeping and offered a reward to the soldiers, whoever had saved a Lycian. They reckoned but an hundred and fifty which would surrender alive. (Plutarch, in Brutus)
  37. Appian wrote that Brutus saved some slaves. Of the freeborn, scarcely 150 women were saved and those did not have husbands to kill them. He added that Brutus saved all the temples he possibly could. (Appian, l.4. p. 635.)
  38. From there Brutus went to Patara, a city which might seem to be the port for the Xanthinas where their ships were anchored. He ordered them that they should surrender to him or expect a similar destruction as the Xanthians had. However, the citizens would not surrender. The slaves had recently obtained their liberty and the freemen that were poor had recently had all their debts cancelled and resisted surrendering to Brutus. Therefore, Brutus sent the Xanthians that he had taken captive to them because they were related to each other. He thought that when they saw their miserable condition the Patarenses would have a change of heart. They were just as steadfast as before although he had granted as a gift to everyone, his kindred. Brutus permitted them the rest of the day for consultation and withdrew himself. However the next morning, he brought his forces there again. (Appian, l.4. p. 635.; Dio, l.47. p. 347.) He set up a cage in a safe place under the wall and he sold the leaders of the Xanthians. He brought them out one by one, if by chance this might move the Patarenses. When they would not yield for all this after he had sold a few of them, he let the rest go free. (Dio, l.47. p. 347.)
  39. When Brutus had taken captive the women of Patara, he let them also go free without any ransom. They told their husbands and fathers who were of the leaders that Brutus was a most modest and just man and they persuaded them that they should surrender to him. (Plutarch, in Brutus) When he entered the town, he did not kill or banish anyone. He ordered all the public gold and silver to be brought to him. He also took everyone's own treasure and promised to punish those who would not cooperate and a reward to those that did. (Appian, l.4. p. 636.)
  40. A slave betrayed his master who had hidden some gold and told a centurion who was sent to collect the money. When they were all brought out, the master was silent. However to save her son, his mother followed and cried that she had hid the money. The servant replied without being asked that she lied and the master hid the money. After Brutus had commended the young man's patience and the mother's piety, he dismissed both of them with the gold. He hung the servant who against all equity, had betrayed his master. (Appian, l.4. p. 636.)
  41. At the same time, Lentulus was sent to Andtiaca, which was the port of the Myrenses. He broke the chain with which the mouth of the harbour was barred and went to the praetor of the Myrenses. When Brutus had dismissed the praetor, the Myrenses surrendered and paid the money imposed upon them. (Appian, l.4. p. 636.; Dio, l.47. p. 347.) In the same manner, all the countries of the Lycians were subdued and sent ambassadors to Brutus. They promised they would send both men and money according to their ability. They found Brutus so bountiful and indulgent beyond all their expectations. For he sent home all the freeborn of the Xanthians and imposed upon the Lycians only 150 talents. He did violence to no one. (Plutarch, in Brutus; Appian, l.4. p. 636.; Dio, l.47. p. 347.)
  42. After Brutus had conquered the Lycians, (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.70.) he wrote some letters among which this one was said to be sent to the Rhodians: "We have severely punished the Xanthians when they revolted from us. We punished everyone including their children and we destroyed the city with fire and sword. To the Patarenses who were faithful to us, we have released their tributes and granted them their freedom to live after their own laws. We have given them 50 talents toward the rebuilding of those things that were demolished. You have the freedom for yourselves to see whether you will be accounted enemies as the Xanthians, or friends as the Patarenses."
  43. Plutarch recorded this letter more concisely: "The Xanthians despised our bounty and have made their country the sepulchre of their desperation. The Patarenses who have submitted to me, have their liberty in governing their state. Therefore it is in your power either to choose the opinion of the Patarenses or the fortune of the Xanthians."
  44. The Rhodian noblemen feared to contend with the Romans but the common people held a high opinion of their abilities. They remembered the ancient victories that they had over other such men. (Appian, l.4. p. 627.) They trusted so much to their skill in navigation that they first went to Cassius on the continent and showed to him the fetters that they had brought as if they would take many of their enemies alive. (Dio, l.47. p. 346.)
  45. Cassius had to fight those who were skilful at sea. Therefore at Myndus, he exercised his fleet that he had rigged and furnished with soldiers. The Rhodians sent ambassadors to him who should intreat him that neither he would attack Rhodes who had always revenged the wrongs done to her neither break the league that was between the Romans and the Rhodians. It stated clearly that neither people should make war on the other. They sent also Archelaus, an ambassador, to him who had formerly been his teacher at Rhodes for the Greek language. He asked this more humbly from him. Cassius replied that the league was first broken by the Rhodians and that he would punish them for it if they did not immediately surrender. (Appian, l. 4. p. 626,627. 630.)
  46. This answer terrified the wiser citizens but the people were more stirred with the speeches of Alexander and Mnaseas and recalled how much larger a fleet that Mithridates had invaded Rhodes with and before him Demetrius. Both were two most powerful kings. Thereupon they appointed Alexander as Prytanis, which is a magistrate among them of very great power and made Mnaseas, the admiral. (Appian, l.4. p. 627. 628.)
  47. Alexander and Mnaseas, the commanders of the Rhodians sailed to Myndus with 33 good ships. They hoped by this boldness to make Cassius afraid. Since they defeated Mithridates near this town, they hoped they would defeat Cassius also. After they had showed their skill in sailing, they went to Cnidus the first day. The next day Cassius' soldiers loosed from shore and sailed out against them. (Appian, l.4. p. 627,630.)
  48. There was a fierce battle between them. The Rhodians with their nimble ships, sailed here and there, sometimes through the enemies ranks and sometimes around them. On the other side, the Romans trusted their large ships. As often as they laid hold on any ship that sailed too close with their iron hook, they prevailed as in a land battle. Cassius had the larger number of ships and the Rhodians could not play long with their enemies through their swiftness and usual tactics. Although they attacked them only from the front and then retreated, it did them little good. Their enemies still kept themselves close together. The attacks also of their armoured prows were ineffectual against the heavy ships of the Romans. On the other side, the Roman ships attacked those light ships with a direct attack until three Rhodian ships were taken with all the soldiers in them. Two were damaged and sunk, while the rest were badly damaged and fled to Rhodes. (Appian, l.4. p. 630.)
  49. The Roman fleet successfully fought with the Rhodians at Myndus. (Appian, l.4. p. 630.; Dio, l.47. p. 346.) Cassius watched the sea battle from a mountain. After the battle he immediately repaired his fleet and he went to Loryma, a citadel of the Rhodians on the other side of the continent. From there he conveyed over his land forces in cargo ships under the command of Fanius and Lentulus. Cassius, with 80 long ships, went to strike terror into the Rhodians. He trusted that his sea and land forces would abate the hostility of the enemy. (Appian, l.4. p. 631.)
  50. When they boldly met him again, Cassius defeated them with the help of Statius [Murcus]. He overcame their skill by the size and number of his ships. When they lost two ships, the Rhodians were surrounded on every side. (Appian, l.4. p. 631.; Dio, l.47. p. 346.)
  51. Immediately all the walls were filled with soldiers to repulse Fanius' attack from the land. Cassius with his navy by sea, was prepared for an assault on the walls. Cassius thought that such a thing would happen and brought with him towers that were folded up which were set up there. Thus Rhodes, twice beaten at sea, was now attacked both by sea and land. They were unprepared for a double sustained attack. It appeared, that in a short time the enemy would overpower them or they would be starved out by famine. When the wiser of the Rhodians knew this, they held a secret conference with Fanius and Lentulus. Since Cassius had suddenly come into the middle of the city with his best soldiers, it was believed that some of the smaller gates were opened to him by citizens that secretly favoured him lest the city should be miserably destroyed. (Appian, l.4. p. 631.)
  52. Cassius replied to the Rhodians that called him king and lord that he was neither lord nor king but the killer and avenger of a lord and king. (Plutarch, in M. Brutus) He sat under a spear for his tribunal because he would seem as if he had taken the city by force of arms. He ordered his army to be quiet and by his public criers, he threatened death to plunderers. He cited before him 50 Rhodian citizens, whom he ordered to be executed. The other 25 who did not appear, he ordered to be banished. (Appian, l.4. p. 631.)
  53. There he plundered the Rhodians of their ships and money. He took all the gold that belonged either to the temples or treasury. He even took away all things which were dedicated to the gods, except for the Chariot of the Sun. (Appian, l.4. p. 631.; Dio, l.47. p. 246.) He was not content with all that but he took from the owners whatever gold or silver they had. He proclaimed a punishment by a crier, to anyone who hid it and offered a reward to them that told of it. They would get a tenth part of it and the slaves would get their liberty. At the first some concealed their money and hoped that his threats would go no further than words. When they saw that rewards were given to discoverers, they desired that the time might be extended which he granted. Some dug up what they had hid in the earth and others took their money from wells. Some again brought more than they hid before. (Appian, l.4. p. 631,632.) He had extorted from the private men 8000 talents and publicly fined the city 500 talents more. (Plutarch, in M. Brutus) He left the Rhodians with nothing but their lives. (Orosius, l.6. c.18)
  54. Therefore, Cassius by a fierce and most prosperous war defeated Rhodes which was very important to him. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.70.) He rejoiced at his quick defeat of it and the huge amount of money he had obtained. He left L. Varus at Rhodes with a garrison. (Appian, l. 4. p. 632.) After this he put to death Ariobarzanes whom he had captured (Dio, l.47. p. 346. fin.) and ordered ten years of tribute from all the provinces of Asia which he collected in full. (Appian, l.4. p. 632.)
  55. Then it was told Cassius that Cleopatra was sailing toward Caesar and Antony with an large navy and many forces. She had always before followed that side for the love she had to the former Caesar. She far more eagerly did so now for the fear she had of Cassius. To prepare for her invasion, Cassius sent into Peloponesus, Murcus with one legion and some archers in 60 covered ships, to guard the sea lanes about the cape of Tenarus. Cleopatra avoided Cassius and Murcus and set sail toward the Ionian Sea. However her fleet was wrecked by a large storm off the coast of Africa. The waves brought signs of her shipwreck even into the country of Laconia. Cleopatra became sick and so returned home. (Appian, l.4. p. 632,636., l.5. p. 675.)
  56. Among Brutus' letters, there is one concerning the victories of him and Cassius that was sent to the Coans. "Rhodes truly now obeys Cassius, a city rather bold than strong by her own strength. All Lycia is now at our command, partly conquered in war and partly for fear of suffering extremities. This choice was truly for their profit. They willingly chose that which they must have done in a little time later. Choose you therefore whether you had rather be forced to serve or rather be called our friends by receiving us."
  57. Brutus returned from Lycia into Ionium and he did many memorable deeds in honouring those who deserved well and in punishing others according to their acts. Among others, he tortured and killed Theodorus, the rhetorician who was wandering in Asia. He was instrumental [as he himself bragged] in the death of Pompey the Great. (Plutarch, in Brutus, Pompey)
  58. Brutus sent for Cassius to come to Sardis. When he was coming near there, Brutus went to meet him with his friends. All the soldiers were ready in their arms and greeted them both as generals. As often happens between two who have many troops and friends, that mutual suspicion and accusations arose between them. The first thing they did, they went alone into a private room and shut the doors to them and asked all men to leave. First they began to talk then to argue and accuse each other. Then friends were afraid what would be the outcome because Cassius and Brutus were all the more free and vehement in chiding one another and became very sharp in the arguments with each other. (Plutarch, in Brutus) All these suspicions, which each had thought against the other arose through false accusations and finally they wisely settled everything. (Dio, l.47. p. 347.)
  59. M. Favonius was then there, [of whom Cicero makes mention of as a close friend to Brutus. (Cicero, ad Attic. l.15. epist. 11.)] He followed in the footsteps of M. Cato, who was a philosopher. However, he was not as reasonable and was governed by some passionate and mad motion. He considered it to be a lowly office to be a consul of Rome. With his cynical kind of harsh language, he alleviated the tedium his importunity brought upon many. He then violently thrust away the porters who forbid him entrance and went into the room where Brutus and Cassius had their private conference. With a mimic voice, he pronounced those verses that Homer said Nestor used: "But both obey me, for I your senior am."
  60. and those verses that follow this. This made Cassius laugh but Brutus kicked him out and called him: "unlearned and adulterous dog"
  61. After this difference was ended, Cassius made a supper and Brutus invited his friends there. As they were going to sit down, Favonius came in very trim. Brutus protested that he came uninvited and asked him to leave. However, he pushed himself in and placed himself at the upper end of the table between them. There was at the feast both mirth and good discourse. (Dio, l.47. p. 347.)
  62. The next day, Brutus condemned in public judgement and with a note of infamy, L. Pellius, who had been praetor. Brutus had employed him before and he was now accused of bribery by the Sardians. Cassius was not innocent in this matter either. A few days earlier, Cassius, had only chastised privately two who were found guilty of the same fault and absolving them publicly and still made use of them. Thereupon Cassius accused Brutus for being too strict and just when at such a time he should behave more civilly and with humanity. Brutus admonished him again that he should remember the ides of March, on which they had killed Caesar, who had not so much vexed all men as a patron of those who did. (Dio, l.47. p. 347.)
  63. Labienus the younger, the son of Titus Labienus, [Caesar's lieutenant in Gaul] was sent by Cassius and Brutus to request aid from Orodes, the king of the Parthians. He stayed there a long time with them without any notice being taken of him. The king had no intention of helping them and dared not deny them. (Dio, l.48. p. 371.; Florus, l.4. c.9.; Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c.78.)
  64. Brutus ordered the whole fleet of the Lycians to sail for Abydus, while he marched there with his land forces. They were to wait for Cassius' arrival from Ionium so that they might both go to Sestos together. (Appian, l.4. p. 636.)
  65. When Cassius and Brutus were about to leave Asia for Europe and to transport their army to the opposite continent, Brutus had an horrible sight. In the dead of the night when the moon did not shine very bright and all the army was in silence, a black image of an huge and horrid body stood silently by Brutus. It was said to offer itself to Brutus, since his candle was almost out. Brutus boldly asked if he was a man or a god. The spirit replied, "O Brutus, I am thy evil genius, you shall see me again at Philippi." So as not to appear afraid, Brutus said, "Then I shall see you." (Florus, l.4. c.7.; Appian, l.4. p. 608.; Plutarch, in Caesar, Brutus, fin.) Plutarch gave a more complete account in his work on Brutus. He added that the next morning Brutus told Cassius what he had seen and that Cassius expounded to him from the doctrine of the Epicureans what was to be thought about such sights.
3963 AM, 4672 JP, 42 BC
  1. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus [the brother of Hyrcanus] invaded Judea, with the help of Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, Fabius the governor of Damascus, whom he had made his friend through money, and Marion the tyrant of the Tyrians, who followed him because he hated Herod. Herod met Antigonus as he barely crossed the borders of the country and drove him from there after he defeated him in battle. Therefore Hyrcanus honoured Herod with crowns as soon as he returned to Jerusalem. He had already promised that Herod was considered one of the family of Hyrcanus for marrying Mariamme [in Syriac called ~yrs or Mary.] She was the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, [the brother of Hyrcanus] and Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.10., Antiq. l.14. c.21., l.15. c.9. 11.)
  2. At the gulf Melanes, Cassius and Brutus numbered their army and found they had 80,000 foot soldiers. Brutus had 4000 of French and Lusitanian cavalry, 2000 cavalry from the Thracia, Illyria, Parthia and Thressalia. Cassius had 2000 cavalry from the Spanish and French and 4000 cavalry who were archers from Arabia, Media and Parthia. [Justin confirmed that the Parthians sent help there. (Justin, l.42. c.4.)] The kings who were allies and tetrarchs from Galatia brought 5000 cavalry in addition to foot soldiers. (Appian, l.4. p. 640.)
  3. These met at Philippi in Macedonia with the army of the triumviri under M. Antony and Octavian Caesar. [The city was just as famous for Paul's letter to it as for this battle] (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.70.) Each side had the same number of legions. Brutus and Cassius had 20,000 cavalry and Antony and Caesar had 13,000. Cassius' side refused to fight the enemy for many days and hoped to starve them for lack of provisions. They had abundant supplies from Asia which were brought to them by sea. Whereas the enemy troops were in need of supplies since they were in an enemies' country. The merchants could get nothing from Egypt since there was a great famine there. Neither would Sextus Pompeius allow anything to be brought from Spain or Africa. Statius Murcus and Domitius Aenobarbus guarded the sea lanes to Italy. They knew that Macedonia and Thessalia, could not long sustain the enemy. Antony tried to hinder supplies from coming to the enemy behind them from Thasus. In ten day's time, he made a private passage in a narrow marsh and erected many citadels with trenches on the far side. Later Cassius ran a trench from his camp to the sea through all the marches and made Antony's works useless. (Appian, l.4. p. 652. 653.)
  4. When the battle began [from which Caesar and Antony were said to have withdrawn themselves] the wing which Brutus commanded beat back the enemy and captured Caesar's camp. However, the wing in which Cassius was, was routed and his camp was taken by Antony's troops. (Florus, l.4. c.7.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.78.; Plutarch, in Antony) Cassius lost 8000 of the servants that followed the camp whom Brutus called "Brigae." Masala Corrinus, who was then present in Brutus' camp, and a little later surrendered to Caesar, said he thought twice as many if not more were killed. (Plutarch, in M. Brutus; Appian, l.4. p. 655.)
  5. After Cassius had lost his camp, he could not return there but went up to an hill near Philippi to better view what was going on and what he should do. (Appian, l.4. p. 655.) He thought that the whole army was routed and killed himself (Livy, l.124.) with the same sword he had killed Caesar. (Plutarch, Caesar, fin.) Although in another place, Plutarch along with other historians stated that his head was cut off by his freed man, Pindarus. After the defeat of Crassus in Parthia, Cassius had appointed him for that task. (Plutarch, in Brutus, AntonY; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.70.; Appian, l.4. p. 615.; Dio, l.48. p. 354.) From Maximus (Valerius Maximus, l.6. c.8.) we read: "Pindarus was recently freed by Cassius. When Cassius was defeated in the battle at Philippi, Pindarus spared him the insults of his enemies by cutting off his head by his own command. He hid his body so it could not be found. The gods, the revenger of so great a wickedness, had bound Cassius' right hand with such weakness which was used in the murder of the father of his county. He came trembling to Pindarus' knees, lest he should pay that punishment which he had deserved at the hand of the pious conqueror. Truly you, defied Julius, have exacted the revenge due to your heavenly wounds, by compelling that head which was wickedly against you to be made a suppliant to the help of a base man. Cassius was forced by the rage of his mind that he would not retain his life, nor dared end it by his own hand."
  6. Brutus gave the body of Cassius to his friends and had it privately buried at Thasus, lest the army, by the sight of his funeral, should be provoked to mourning and become dejected. (Plutarch, in Brutus; Appian, l.4. p. 655.; Dio, l.48. p. 354.) Cassius died the same day as he was born on. (Appian, l.4. p. 655.) In the evening, his servant came to Antony, with Cassius' soldier's coat and his sword which he had recently taken from his body. When Antony saw these, he was greatly encouraged and set the army in battle array as soon as it was day. (Plutarch, in Brutus)
  7. On the same day that the army of Caesar was defeated in the battle at Philippi, the Marthian legion and other large forces, which were coming to Caesar by Domitius Culvinus from Italy, were defeated by Murcus and Aenobarbus in the Ionian sea. (Plutarch, in Brutus; Appian, p. 656,657.) Brutus did not know of this victory for 20 days. During that time, the soldiers of Caesar and Antony were mired in the marshes of Philippi. They were bothered by autumn showers that happened after the battle and froze. (Plutarch, in Brutus) In that time many Germans fled to Brutus. Likewise Amyntas, the general of Dejotarus and Rhascipolis the Thracian, left Brutus' side. When Brutus knew of this, he feared a larger revolt and he decided to gamble all on one battle. (Dio, l.47. p. 355.)
  8. The night before the battle, it is reported that the ghost came again to Brutus in the same way as before. It spoke nothing and so vanished away. However, P. Volumnius made no mention of this. He was a man who studied wisdom and was in Brutus' camp and wrote about other prodigies that happened. (Plutarch, Caesar fin., Brutus; Appian, l.4. p. 668.)
  9. Antony was involved in the second battle as well as Caesar Octavian even though he was weak and sickly. Ovid wrote about the things that were done in this war of Philippi. (Ovid, Festi, l.3.) Caesar's first work or worthy action rather, Was, by just arms he did revenge his father.
  10. Ovid also wrote: (Ovid, Fasti, l.5.) This the youth vowed, when first to arms he ran, Being the leader of them he then began. His stretched out hand to the soldiers while he shook, He, them confederated, thus bespoke.
  11. Brutus was defeated in the battle and fled to an hill by night. The next day he desired Strabo Aegeates, an Epirote, with whom he was friendly because they studied rhetoric together, that he would help him kill himself. He put his left arm over his head and held the point of the sword in his right hand. He directed it to his left breast where the heart beats and forced it through himself. So he died after being run through with only one thrust. (Livy, l.124.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.70.; Plutarch, in M. Brutus; Appian, l.4. p. 665,666.)
  12. Thus this war ended the careers of Brutus and Cassius who were the murderers of Julius Caesar their emperor, by whom they were spared in the Pharsalian fight and later committed suicide. (Appian, l.4. p. 667,668.) They killed themselves using the same swords they used to kill Julius Caesar. (Dio, l.48. init.) The liberty which they so much desired to see restored, they lost by the murder of Caesar. (Florus, l.4. c.7.) Although, in less than two years, they had gathered more than 20 legions, about 20,000 cavalry and more than 200 long ships. They had made great preparations and had extorted huge sums of money from men, whether they wanted to give it or not. They were often victors in the wars that they waged with many cities and with opposing countries. They had the command of all from Macedonia to Euphrates. Whomever they made war with, they drew them to their side and made use of their help who were faithful to them like kings and governors, and even of the Parthians, although they were enemies. (Appian, l.4. p. 666,667.)
  13. Antony stood by the body of Brutus and modestly upbraided him for the death of his brother Caius whom Brutus killed in Macedonia. However, Antony often said that he rather imputed the death of his brother to Hortensius, [who was the proconsul of Macedonia] than to Brutus. He ordered Hortensius to be killed on Brutus' [??] grave. (Plutarch, in M. Brutus, M. Antony) He cast upon Brutus' body, his purple soldier's coat of great price and committed the care of his funeral to one of his free men. He later killed the man when he knew he had not burnt that coat with him and sent his ashes to his mother Servilia. (Plutarch, in M. Brutus, M. Antony; Appian, l.4. p. 668.) Octavian sent Brutus' head to Rome that it might be placed under Caesar's statue. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.13.) In the voyage from Byrrachium, a storm arose and it was cast into the sea. (Dio, l.47. p. 356.)
  14. As many of the nobility who escaped to Thasus, sailed from there. Others surrendered themselves to the power and mercy of Messala, Corvinus and L. Bibulus. Others agreed for their security with the Antonians. Antony himself came into Thasus and they turned over to him whatever money, arms, provisions or other preparation that were left. (Appian, l.4. p. 669.)
  15. L. Julius Mocilla, who had been praetor, along with his son and A. Torquates and others who suffered this defeat, went to Samothracia. Pomponius Atticus had placed Mocilla in charge of procuring all things from Epirus. [Cornelius Nepos, in Vita Attici.)
  16. After Brutus and Cassius had gone to the war, Cassius Parmensis was left in Asia with a fleet and an army, to raise money. After the death of Cassius, he hoped for better things from Brutus and chose 30 of the Rhodian ships. He planned to fill them with the sailors of the allies. He burnt the rest lest the city should rebel. After this, he sailed with his own and the Rhodian ships. However, Clodius was sent by Brutus, as soon as he saw the Rhodians were about to rebel. When Brutus was dead, Clodius withdrew the garrison of 3000 men and went with Parmenses. Torulus joined them with many other ships and the money which he had exacted from the Rhodians before their revolt. (Appian, l.4. p. 671,672.)
  17. Anyone who had some naval forces that were scattered throughout Asia, joined this fleet. They put on board as many legions of soldiers as they could possibly and enlisted for rowers, bondmen and slaves from the islanders of the ports they came to. Cicero the younger, and as many of the nobility who fled from Thasus, joined them also. In a short time, there was a large fleet with a large army of good commanders. (Appian, l.4. p. 672.)
  18. They sailed in the Ionian Sea to Statius Murcus and Cn. Aenobarbus, who commanded large forces. They took Lepidus with them with another band of soldiers who kept Crete with a garrison of Brutus'. When they left some stayed with Aenobarbus, making a faction of their own. [They controlled the Ionian Sea and did much harm to their enemies.] The rest went with Murcus and joined forces with Sextus Pompeius. When he joined his large fleet and the remains of Brutus' army to him, he doubled Sextus' forces. (Appian, l.4. p. 672.; Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c.72,77.; Dio, l.48. p. 361,368.)
  19. Caesar and Antony dismissed the soldiers that had served out their time, except for 8000 whom they intreated to serve longer under them. They divided these between them and took one of an hundred of them for their bodyguard. Of eleven legions and 14,000 cavalry which were left of Brutus' army, Antony took six legions and 10,000 cavalry while Caesar took four legions and 4000 cavalry. (Appian, l.4. p. 672. 673.) Moreover it was agreed that Caesar should give two legions of his own to go along with Antony and that he again should receive two others which were then left in Italy who were his soldiers under the command of Calenus. (Appian, l. 4. p. 673.; Dio, l.48. p. 358.)
  20. Caesar took this business upon himself so that he might repress Lepidus, the triumvir, if he should make any stir. He also wanted to carry on the war against Sextus Pompeius and divide the lands promised to the old soldiers who were retired. Octavian returned to Italy but on his way, he became sick so that those who were at Rome thought that he was dead. Antony stayed to go around the provinces beyond the sea, to subdue the enemies' pride and to get money for the soldiers as they had promised them. (Livy, l.125.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.74.; Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, l.5. p. 672,673.; Dio, l.48, p. 357,358.) Since they had promised every soldier 5000 drachmas, they must be careful to pay it. (Plutarch, in Antony; Dio, l.47. p. 352.)
  21. Therefore, Antony with a large army went into Greece and at the first behaved kindly to the Greeks and was happy to be considered a friend of the Greeks and especially of the Athenians, on whose city he bestowed many gifts. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  22. L. Censorinus was in Greece and went into Asia. (Plutarch, in Antony) There he went about and sent others to exact money from the cities and to sell their territories. (Dio, l.48. p. (371).) Also kings much courted his favour and the king's wives fought among themselves to offer him gifts and beauty and their service to him. Anaxenor, an harper, Xuthus, a musician, Metrodorus, a dancer, and all the Asian comics and actors went to Censorinus' court where everything was very luxurious. Finally, Antony was ready to go to the Parthian war and he sent Dellius into Egypt to Cleopatra. He was the historian, as Plutarch later called him and whom Seneca (Seneca, 1Suasoria) said left Cassius and went to Antony. Dellius ordered her to appear before Antony in Cilicia to answer for herself because she was said to have given much help to Cassius. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  23. Apulein, who was proscribed by the triumviri, was restored to his country when he turned over Bithynia to Antony. He was made governor of Bithynia by Brutus. (Appian, l.4. p. 616.)
  24. In Bithynia, Antony met with embassies from all countries. The rulers of the Jews were there to accuse Phasaclus and Herod as though Hyrcanus reigned only as a puppet. In truth the two brothers had all the power. However, Antony highly honoured Herod who had come there to clear himself of these accusations. It so happened that his adversaries were not so much as admitted to speak to Antony. Herod had arranged this by bribing Antony. (Josephus, l.14. c. 22.)
  25. When Antony came to Ephesus, the women went before him dressed in the clothes of the Baccharae and men in the clothes of satyrs and Pans. All the city resounded with rushing after ivy garlands with instruments of music, flutes and pipes. They called him: "Bacchus the bountiful and debonair." (Plutarch, in Antony)
  26. He made a magnificent sacrifice to Diana, as to the protector of that place. He absolved the Cassiani when they petitioned him. They had fled into sanctuary there. He did not forgive Petronius, who was guilty of the conspiracy against Caesar and Quintus who had betrayed Dolabella to Cassius at Laodicea. (Appian, l.6. p. 683.)
  27. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus the high priest and of the Jews came there also. These were Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Joseph, the son of Mennaeus and Alexander, the son of Theodorus. They gave him a crown of gold and they requested from him the same thing the embassy did at Rome. They wanted freed those Jews whom Cassius had taken prisoners, contrary to the laws of war. They wanted him to send letters to the provinces to affect this. They also wanted their country which Cassius had taken from them, to be restored. Antony thought their requests were fair and granted them. He wrote letters for this purpose, to Hyrcanus and also to the Tyrians, Sidonians, Antiochians, and Aradians. These letters are recorded in Josephus. (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.22.)
  28. The Greeks and other nationalities that lived in Asia Pergamena, were called to Ephesus. Antony told them what generous promises he had made to his 28 victorious legions some of which they had supplied. He had 150,000 men. When they had given to Cassius and Brutus, his enemies, ten years tribute in 2 years, he demanded that they should give him so much in one year. They complained that they were impoverished by their former enemies. At length they barely obtained the concession that they might pay nine years tribute in two years. (Appian, l.5. p. 673. 674.)
  29. Antony took the estates of many noblemen and gave them to knaves and flatterers. Many begged the fortunes of some who were alive and they were given them. Some wanted and received the estates of those who had died. He gave the goods of a citizen of Magnesia to a cook who had prepared only one supper, [as it is reported] handsomely for him. Finally, when he had burdened the cities with another tribute, Hybreas who stirred up the affairs of Asia, was so bold to say: "If you can exact a tribute of us twice in a year, you must be able also to make two summers and then to yield fruits to us twice."
  30. When Asia brought in 200,000 talents, Hybreas said: "If you had not received them, demand them, but if you had not that which you had received, we are undone;"
  31. He sharply rebuked Antony with this saying who naively believed his own servants and was ignorant of many things that were done. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  32. In like manner, other tributes were imposed by the orders of Antony on kings, governors and free cities, each according to their abilities. (Appian, l.5. p. 674.)
  33. As Antony was going about the provinces, Lucius, the brother of Cassius, and as many as had heard of his clemency at Ephesus, were afraid. They humbly came and presented themselves to him and Antony forgave them all except those who were guilty of Caesar's murder. These he would not forgive. (Appian, l.5. p. 674.)
  34. He released the Lycians and Xanthians from tribute and urged them to rebuild their city. He gave to Rhodes, the places of Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus. However, not long after, he took them from them because he said Rhodes was ruling too harshly over them. He also gave the citizens of Laodicea and Tarsus, liberty and freedom from tributes. To the Athenians that came to him, Antony gave first Tenos and then Aegina, Icos, Cea, Sciathus and Patepathus. (Appian, l.5. p. 675.)
  35. He journeyed though Phrygia, Mysia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Coelosyria, Palestina, Ituraea and other provinces of the Syrians. He imposed very heavy tributes on them all. He settled all differences of kings and cities after his own pleasure. In particular, in Cappadocia, the matter of Sisenna and Ariarathes, was settled in favour of Sisenna who received the kingdom as a favour to his beautiful mother. However, in Syria he removed tyrants from various towns. (Appian, l.5. p. 675.) He committed the government of Cyprus, to Demetrius, the freed man of Julius Caesar. (Dio, l.48. p. 381.)
  36. Antony promised the Tarsenses the command of the university and placed Boethus over the university. He was a poor poet and a bad citizen. However, Antony liked his poem which he wrote about his victory at Philippi. The Tarsenses mainly preferred him because he was able without notice to speak something concerning any subject. When the account of the expenses to be paid in the university were committed to his care, he was found to have stolen other things and also the oil. When he was being accused before Antony, he answered: "As Homer sang the praises of Agamemnon, and Achilles, and also Ulysses, so have I thine, therefore it is not fit that I should be accused of these crimes before thee,"
  37. The accusers replied: "Homer stole no oil from Agamemnon and Achilles, which because thou hast done, thou shalt be punished."
  38. Nevertheless Boethus, appeased his anger by some services and retained the government of the city until the death of Antony. (Strabo, l.14. p. 674.)
  39. Cleopatra was brought to Cilicia to Antony by Dellius. She trusted in her beauty and deportment. (Plutarch. in Antony; Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.23.; Appian, l.5. p 673.; Dio, l. 48. 371.) Her fabulous arrival is described by Plutarch more like a poet would than an historian. She came by a ship that was covered in gold, up the river Cydnus, which runs by the city Tarsus. It had purple sails all spread, and silver oars. They were accompanied by the music of flutes, pipes and harps. She rested in a beautiful dress under a canopy of cloth of gold like Venus is painted. Boys like cupids, stood here and there and fanned her. Her maidens in the clothes of Nereides and Graces, stood at the helms and others plied the oars. All the river banks were filled with most fragrant smells because of the abundance of perfumes. Men from both sides of the shore accompanied her from the river. Those who were in the city, came to see the sight so that Antony was left alone sitting in the forum on his tribunal. There was a general rumour that Venus was coming to feast with Bacchus for the preservation of Asia. Antony sent certain men to invite her to supper. However she thought it rather belonged to him to come to her. So that he might at her arrival, show his gentleness and courtesy, he obeyed her and came.
  40. Antony accused Cleopatra that she did not side with Caesar in the last war. She objected that she had sent the four legions to Dolabella and how her fleet was wrecked by storms. She said how often Cassius had threatened her and she was forced to sent aid to him. Antony was overcome and began to fall in love with her like a young man although he was then forty years old. A long time ago, he had wantonly cast his eyes on her when she was but a girl and he was a young man who followed Gavinius to Alexandria. At that time he was in charge of the cavalry. Immediately Antony's ancient diligence and ambition failed and all men did nothing but execute the commands of Cleopatra without respect either to human or divine law. (Appian, l.5. p. 671,675, 676.)
  41. By the request of Cleopatra, Antony sent murderers to Miletus to kill her sister Arsinoe, a priestess of Diana Leucophrine. (Appian, l.5. p. 676.) However, Josephus says that she was at her prayers in the temple of Diana. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.4.)
  42. Antony commanded the Tyrians to turn over to Cleopatra, Serapion, the governor of Cyprus, who had sent aid to Cassius and now came to beg his pardon, as well as the Aradians, another suppliant. When Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra, was defeated by Julius Caesar in a naval fight on the Nile River and was never seen more, he had bragged to the Aradians that he was Ptolemy. He commanded also Megabezus, the priest of Diana of the Ephesians, to be brought before him because he had entertained Arsinoe as a queen. By the entreaty of the Ephesians to Cleopatra, Antony let him go. (Appian, l.5. p. 676.)
  43. In the meantime, Fulvia, the wife of Antony in Italy, who was a woman in body only and more like a man, raised a large rebellion against Caesar Octavian. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c. 74.) This action dissolved their alliance and the state was involved in a full scale war between them. Caesar could not endure the insolence of his mother-in-law, [for he had rather seemed not to agree with her than with Antony.] He divorced her daughter Claudia whom he swore was still a virgin. (Dio, l.48. p. 359,360.; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.62.)
  44. Thereupon Caesar sent to Phoenicia to Antony, Cocceius and Cecinna as an embassy. When Cecinna's task was finished, he returned to Caesar. However, Cocceius stayed with Antony. (Appian, l.5. p. 706.)
  45. There came an hundred of the most honourable among the Jews to Daphne, near Antioch in Syria to Antony who was now doting on the love of Cleopatra. They came to accuse Phasaelus and Herod and selected for this purpose the most eloquent of their whole number. Messala undertook to defend the young men's cause. Hyrcanus helped assist him, who had betrothed his daughter to Herod. After Antony heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus, which side he thought to be the best to govern a state. When he had answered on the young men's behalf, Antony who loved them because he had been kindly entertained by their father, made them both tetrarchs. He left them the government of all Judea and wrote letters also to this purpose and put fifteen of their adversaries in prison. He would have put them to death, had not Herod interceded for them. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.10., Antiq. l.14. c.23.)
  46. A thousand men came from Jerusalem to Tyre to Antony, who were already bribed by the brethren, and ordered the magistrates of that place that they should kill the ambassadors. They said the men were instigators of seditions and that they should help the tetrarchs. However, Herod and Hyrcanus came to them at that time outside the city on the sea shore and advised them earnestly to withdraw. They admonished them what danger would ensue if they followed this plan but they ignored this advice. Thereupon certain Jews and the inhabitants of that city, rose up against them and killed and wounded some. However, Hyrcanus helped the wounded to recover and had the dead buried. The rest fled home. When the people did nothing but rail against Herod, Antony, in his displeasure, killed those that he had in prison. (Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c.10., Antiq. l.14. c.23.)
  47. Cleopatra returned home and Antony sent cavalry to plunder Palmyra, a city located not far from the Euphrates River. This crime against them was done under the pretence that they might enrich the cavalry. They lived in the confines of the Romans and Parthians and were merchants who carried from Persia, Indian and Arabian wares to the Romans. When the Palmyreni had an inkling of what was up, they carried their goods to the other side of the river and placed archers to keep them off. They excelled in archery. When the cavalry found the city empty, they returned without any plunder or bloodshed. Thereupon shortly after this the Parthian war started. Many tyrants from Syria, whom Antony had expelled, fled to the Parthians and asked them to seize Syria. (Appian, l.5. p. 676,677.)
3964 AM, 4673 JP, 41 BC
  1. When Antony had imposed heavy tributes on the people and had thus offended the city of Palmyra, he did not stay to settle the troubles of the province. He divided his army into winter quarters and he went into Egypt to Cleopatra (Appian, l.5. p. 677.) and left Plancas in Asia and Saxa in Syria. (Dio, l.48. p. 371.) This was Decidius Saxa whom Cicero mentioned in his book (Cicero, Philippic 13) as one of M. Antonys' guard and Livy (Livy, l.127.) stated he was his lieutenant in Syria.
  2. These actions caused seditions. The inhabitants of the island Aradus did not obey those who were sent to them to collect tribute and the islanders killed some of them. The Parthians previously were rebellious and now they made many more insurrections against the Romans. The Parthian forces were under the command of Labienus and Pacorus, the son of Orodes. (Dio, l.48. p. 371)
  3. Eusebius wrote this about the Aradians: (Eusebius, Chronicles) "Curtius Sulassus was burnt alive with four cohorts in the island Aradus because he too zealously exacted their tributes."
  4. Livy noted that Labienus (Livy, l.127.) was of Pompey's faction. Plutarch wrote: (Plutarch, in Antony) "When the forces of the Parthians were prepared to attack, Labienus was made their general for the expedition of the Parthians. When the king's general was about to attack Syria, Antony was drawn away to Alexandria by Cleopatra."
  5. From this the compiler of the Parthian account (Parthian Story of Appian, p. 155,156.) is to be corrected. He foolishly insinuates that Labienus was brought by the king's captains to Alexandria. However, Dio explained both the origin and progress of this expedition like this:
  6. After the defeat of Philippi, Labienus thought that the conquerors would not pardon any of their opponents. He thought it better to live with barbarians than to die in his own country and therefore he stayed with the Parthians. As soon as he understood the carelessness and sloth of Antony and his love and journey into Egypt, he advised the Parthians to make war upon the Romans. The Roman armies were partially cut off, partially under strength and the rest disagreed among themselves. It looked like civilwar would break out at any time. Therefore he persuaded the king, that while Caesar was detained in Italy because of Sextus Pompeius and Antony gave himself over to his love in Egypt, the king might subdue Syria and the countries around it. He promised him also that he would go as the general of this war so that he might provoke many countries to revolt from the Romans. They were offended with the Romans for the continual damages and tributes with which they afflicted them. (Dio, l.48. p. 371,372.)
  7. When he had persuaded the king to make war, he received many forces from him along with his son, Pacorus. Labienus invaded Phoenicia and attacked Apamea and was repulsed from the wall. He took the garrisons that were placed in that country by their voluntary surrender to him. These consisted of the soldiers of Cassius and Brutus whom Antony had chosen for his army and had left to keep Syria since they knew the country well. Therefore, Labienus easily persuaded them to join his side since they already knew him. Everyone did except Saxa who commanded them. He was the brother of Decidius Saxa, the lieutenant of Antony, and his quaestor. (Dio, l.48. p. 371,372.)
  8. Labienus defeated Saxa in a battle by the number and valour of his cavalry. He persuaded him as he fled by night from his camp. He had before shot notices into his camp to draw his soldiers to his side. Saxa greatly feared this and fled. Labienus overtook him and killed most of those who were with him. When Saxa had fled to Antioch, Labienus took Apamea which no longer resisted him because it was generally reported that Saxa was dead. He also took Antioch after Saxa deserted it. (Dio, l.48. p. 371,372.)
  9. M. Antony was splendidly entertained by Cleopatra and wintered in Egypt without his imperial ensigns. He did this either because he was in another person's government and royal city or because he would solemnize the festival days in his winter quarters. He set aside all business for his country and he wore the Greek four cornered robe and the white Attic shoes called Phaecusium which the Athenian and Alexandrian priests used. When he went out, he went only to the temples or places of exercise or to the meetings of philosophers. He always kept company with the Greeks and courted Cleopatra, who was the main reason he came, as he himself said. (Appian, l.5. p. 677.)
  10. Antony gave himself over to luxurious living with Cleopatra and the Egyptians. He whiled his time away even to his utter destruction. (Dio, l.48. p. 373.) Plutarch describes at length the luxury of him and his son. He also stated those things concerning this business that Philotus, the Amphissian physician, told his grandfather Lamprias, who was then at that time at Alexandria following his studies.
  11. Cleopatra was with him night and day. She played dice with him, drank with him, hunted with him and saw him exercising himself in his arms. She accompanied him by night through the streets as he was eavesdropping at the gates and windows of the citizens and talked to those who were inside. She walked with him as he was clad in the clothes of a serving maid for he often wore such clothes himself. Thereupon he returned home often well jeered and often well beaten. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  12. Antony detained the ambassadors that were sent to him from the Italian colonies either because it was winter or because he wanted to conceal his counsels. (Appian, l.5. p. 701) In the meantime, Caesar Octavian besieged the consul L. Antony, Antony's brother, at Perasium in Hetruria. (Appian, l.5. p. 689.)
  13. When Cn. Domitius Calvinus and Asinius Pollio being consuls, Perusia was taken by Octavian. (Dio, l.48. p. 365.)
  14. Labienus followed Saxa as he fled into Cilicia and killed him there. (Dio, l.48. p. 372.) "Labienus went from Brutus' camp to the Parthians and led an army of them into Syria. He killed the lieutenant of Antony, who had very badly oppressed the transmarine provinces."
  15. This is according to Paterculus. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.5.) Florus stated: (Florus, l. 4. c.9.) "Saxa [for thus it is to be read there; not Casca] the lieutenant, committed suicide so that he might not fall into his enemies' hands."
  16. After Saxa was dead, Pacorus subdued all Syria except Tyre. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c. 5.; Florus, l.4. c.9.; Livy, l.127.) Here the Romans who were left along with friendly Syrians, had taken it before. They could not be persuaded or forced to yield because the Parthians had no fleet with them. (Dio, l.48. p. 365.)
  17. In the second year (Josephus, l.14. c.23.) that is from the coming of Antony into Syria when Pacorus the king's son and Barzipharnes, a ruler of the Parthians, had seized Lysia, Ptolemais, the son of Mennaeus, died. His successor in the kingdom of Lysia was his son Lysanias. [Dio said he was made king of the Ituraeans by Antony.] He became friends with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, a noble man, who could do much with him and reconciled them.
  18. At the beginning of the spring, Antony went against the Parthians. He came as far as Phoenicia and came to Tyre. (Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, l.5. p. 701.) He sailed there as if he would bring help to the city. When he saw all the surrounding country was seized by the enemy, he left under the pretence of engaging in the war against Sextus Pompeius. On the contrary, he used the excuse of the Parthian war for the reason that he did not go sooner against Pompey. So it happened that he neither came to help his allies under pretence of Pompey neither helped Italy, under the pretence of the allies. (Dio, l.48. p. 373.)
  19. As he was passing the continent and sailed by Cyprus and Rhodes to Asia, he heard of the news of the siege of Perusina. He accused his brother Lucius and his wife Fulvia but more especially Manius, who was his representative in Italy in his absence. He then sailed into Greece and met his mother Julia and his wife Fulvia who had fled from Italy. From there as he sailed into Italy, he took Sipus. (Dio, l.48. p. 373.; Appian, l.5. p. 679,701.)
  20. After Fulvia died at Sicyon, her husband Antony was persuaded by his mother Julia and L. Cocceius to make peace with Caesar. Antony recalled Sextus Pompeius [with whom he had already entered into a league,] into Sicily, as it were to provide for those things that they had agreed upon. He sent Domitius Aenobarbus into Bithynia to govern there. (Appian, l.5. p. 707. (708).) He knew that Marcellus, the husband of Octavia, the most beloved sister of Caesar, although by another mother, had recently died. To more firmly confirm a peace, Octavia was betrothed to Antony. He did not hide his involvement with Cleopatra but he denied that she was his wife. (Appian, l.5. p. 709.; Livy, l.127.; Plutarch, in Antony)
  21. They divided the Roman Empire between them. They made Codropolis, a town of Illyricum, [which seemed to be located within the northern most part of the Adriatic Gulf] to be the boundary of each one's dominions. All the eastern countries, as well as the islands and provinces, both of Europe and Asia, even to the river Euphrates, were allocated to Antony. The western areas of Sardinia, Dalmatia, Spain, and Gaul were allocated to Caesar. The provinces of Africa had been given to Lepidus the triumviri from Caesar and Sextus Pompeius had seized Sicily. (Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, l.5. p. 709.; Dio, l.48. p. 374.)
  22. The war against Pompeius was assigned to Caesar unless something else happened and Antony took on the Parthian war to revenge the wrong done to Crassus. Domitius Aenobarbus [although he was one of the murderers of Julius Caesar] was taken into a league by Caesar on the same condition that he was formerly by Antony. It was added to the league that it might be lawful for both the generals to muster the same number of legions from Italy. On these articles, the last league was made between Caesar and Antony. [Appian. l.5. p. 709.]
  23. Caesar and Antony entered Rome and made a speech about the joy of the peace that was made between them. (Gruter, inscript. p. 197.) The citizens entertained them as in a triumph and clothed them in a triumphal robe. They had them see the plays and seated them in ivory chairs. (Dio. l.48. p. 375.) The marriage between Antony and Octavia was solemnised who was quite pregnant. The law forbid any woman to marry until ten months after the death of her husband but the time was reduced by a decree of the senate. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.78.; Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, l.5. p. 710.; Dio, l.48. p. 375. fin.) Antony put Manius to death because he had exasperated Fulvia by his often complaining about Cleopatra and because he had been the cause of so many evils. (Appian, l.5. p. 710.)
  24. Asinius Pollio, had a son born in his consulship, whom he called Salonius. He was named after the city of Salonae of Spalato in Dalmatia. Virgil wrote singing verses about the birth of Salonius Pollio from the Cumaean or Sibylline poems. He classified the ages of the world by metals and in the tenth and last age of the world, [in which Solar Apollo was to rule] he foretold that there all things would be restored and stated that this year the golden age [and with it the Virgin, Erigone or Aftraea, who had left the earth in the Iron Age] should return again. (Servius, in Virgil, Eclogue. 4.) In the description, the poet seems to have inserted those things which either he had heard spoken about by the Jews, whom Cicero (Cicero, pro Flaccus) said that there were many Jews who lived at Rome around the Aurelian stairs. Otherwise Virgil had read this in the books of the prophets which were available in the Greek language.
  25. Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, captured Syria and went into Palestine and deposed Hyrcanus who was appointed by the Romans to govern that country. He put his brother, Aristobulus in his place. Thus Dio, (Dio, l.48. p. 372,373.) confuses Aristobulus, the father, with Antigonus the son, when as he later always calls this Antigonus, the king and not Aristobulus. (Dio, l.48. p. 382. & l.49. p. 405.) Josephus describes the matter in detail.
  26. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, said that he would give the Parthians 1000 talents and 500 women, if they would give the kingdom from Hyrcanus to him and kill Herod and all his relatives. Although he did not do this, the Parthians marched with their army towards Judea to claim the kingdom for Antigonus. Pacorus, the king's son went by sea and Barzapharnes by land. The Tyrians shut their gates against him but the Sidonians and those of Ptolemais opened their gates to him. He sent a squadron of cavalry under Pacorus, the king's butler, into Judea ahead of him to see what was to be done and he ordered that they should help Antigonus.
  27. The Jews who lived at Mount Carmel, allied themselves with Antigonus and were ready with him to invade the enemies' country. He began to get some hope that with their help he might subdue the country of Drynos. He encountered his enemies and chased them right up to Jerusalem.
  28. Antigonus' side was greatly increased and they attacked the king's house which Phasaelus and Herod defended. In the market place there was a fight between them and the enemies were overcome by the brethren and fled into the temple. They besieged them in the temple and they appointed 60 men to keep them and placed them in the adjoining houses. The people bore a grudge against the brethren and burnt them with fire. Herod was very angry and killed many of the people. Every hour, one laid wait for another, so that everyday some were murdered.
  29. When the day of Pentecost arrived, there were many thousands of men, as well armed as unarmed, gathered about the temple from all parts of the country. They seized the temple and the city, except the king's house. Herod kept the king's house with a few soldiers as his brother Phasaelus held out on the walls. Herod who was helped by his brother, attacked his enemies in the suburbs and forced many thousands to flee either into the city, the temple or the rampart which was near the city.
  30. In the meantime, Antigonus asked that Pacorus, the general of the Parthians might be admitted to conclude a peace between them. Pacorus was entertained by Phasaelus and Pacorus persuaded him that he should go as ambassador to Barzapharnes. He laid an ambush for Phasaelus which he suspected and did not go. Herod did not approve of this matter because of the perfidiousness of the barbarians. He advised rather that he would kill Pacorus and those that came with him. Therefore, Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on with their embassy and Pacorus left with Herod 200 horsemen and ten whom they call Elutheri and took with him the ambassadors.
  31. As soon as they were come into Galilee, the governors of those towns came out against them in arms. Barzapharnes welcomed them with a cheerful countenance and gave gifts to them but later made ambushes for them. Phasaelus was brought with his train to a place near the seaside, called Ecdippon. Ophellus, learned from Saramulla, the richest of all the Syrians, that there were ambushes set for Phasaelus and offered him a ship to escape. He was unwilling to leave Hyrcanus and his brother Herod in jeopardy and expostulated with Barzapharnes concerning the wrongs done to the ambassadors. He swore that these things were not true and soon went to Pacorus.
  32. He was no sooner gone then Hyrcanus and Phasaclus were thrown in prison after protesting the perjury of the Parthians. An eunuch was also sent to Herod with orders to surprise him if he could get him out of the city. When Herod knew from others what had happened to his brother, he took with him what forces he had with him and put the women on horses, that is, his mother Cybele, his sister Salome, his wife Mariamme, and the mother of his wife Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus. With these his youngest brother Pheroras, their servants and the rest of the company, Herod fled by night into Idumaea unknown to his enemies.
  33. On the journey, his mother was almost killed when her coach overturned. Herod was so terrified, lest the enemy should overtake them while they stayed there that he thought to kill himself with his own sword. He was restrained by them that were about him and he went towards Masada, a most strongly fortified place, which was located in the country of Arabia, and Palestine. He took the shortest way possible. First the Parthians pursued him and then the Jews. When he was only 7.5 miles from Jerusalem he defeated both of them in a battle.
  34. After he came to Ressa, a village of Idumea, his brother Joseph came to him. He saw that they brought so large multitude with them plus mercenary soldiers that the citadel at Masada where they were planning to flee to, could not hold them. Herod dismissed most of them. He told 9000 to take care of themselves in Idumaea and gave them food. He selected the best men, and his nearest friends and he went into the citadel. He left the women with the rest of their companions there because there was plenty of grain, water and other provisions. He went to Petra, a city of Arabia.
  35. The next day after he fled from Jerusalem, the Parthians, plundered all the goods of the citizens of Jerusalem including the king's house. Only the treasure of Hyrcanus, which was 300 talents, was untouched and a large part of Herod's wealth that he providently had carried into Idumaea. The Parthians were not content with the plunder of the city but went out of the city and harassed the country also. They destroyed the rich city of Marissa.
  36. Antigonus, was brought back into his country, by the king of the Parthians and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus who were then prisoners. He was very much grieved that the women had escaped whom he had intended to turn over to the Parthians. Also the money that he had promised to give them was gone. He was afraid lest Hyrcanus, whom the Parthians held prisoner, should again by the favour of the people, be restored into his kingdom. He cut off his ears that so he might be rendered unfit for the priesthood. The law forbid anyone who lacked any member from being in the priesthood. (Leviticus 21:17-21)
  37. Phasaclus knew that he was appointed to be executed. Since he could not easily commit suicide because his hands were chained, he beat out his own brains against a stone. Before he was dead, he heard by a woman that his brother Herod had escaped. He greatly rejoiced that there was left one to revenge his death. Although Parthians missed the women whom they wanted the most, they settled all things at Jerusalem with Antigonus. When they departed, they took Hyrcanus along with them as a prisoner into Parthia. (Josephus Wars, l.1. c.11., Antiq. l. 14. c.24,25.)
  38. At the same time Labienus took Cilicia and all the cities, except Stratonicea, located in the continent of Asia. [From fear of him, Plancus, the lieutenant of Antony in Asia, had fled to the island.] He took most without a fight but Melissa and Alabanda, he took by force. When those cities had entertained a garrison from Labienus, on a certain festival day, they killed the garrison and revolted. Therefore after Labienus had captured Alabanda, he executed the citizens. He destroyed Melissa after it was abandoned by its inhabitants. Although he besieged Stratonicea for a long time, yet could he not take the city. Finally, when he had gotten their money and robbed their temples, he called himself the Parthian emperor but for a different reason from the Romans. He gave himself that name after the name of the forces that he led against the Romans as if he had conquered them and not his fellow citizens. (Dio, l.43. p. 373.)
  39. Hence the Parthians, conquered for themselves under pretence of auxiliaries for Labienus, their captain. They invaded from the Euphrates into Syria as far as Ionium and behaved more like thieves than enemies. (Florus, l.4. c.9.; Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, in Syriac, p. 120, in Parthic, p. 134,156, Civil War, p. 709.) To stop this, Antony sent his lieutenant, M. Ventidius Bassus, into Asia. (Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, p. 156, & 709.)
  40. Ventidius came quickly to Labienus before he knew anything of it. Labienus was terrified by his sudden arrival and he was without his forces. He had none with him except some soldiers gathered from Asia and he did not have any Parthians. Hence he dared not meet him but fled. Ventidius followed him as he fled with his light harnessed soldiers and caught up with him at the Taurus Mountains and would not let him go any farther. (Dio, l.48. p. 380,381.)
  41. In that place they stayed quietly for many days in their camps opposite each other. Labienus waited for the Parthians and Ventidius expected his legions. In those days both wanted to hide. Ventidius feared the Parthian cavalry and stayed up high for there he had made his camp. The Parthians trusted their numbers and despised those whom they had defeated in past times. Before they joined with Labienus, they went early in the morning toward the hill. The Romans boldly came out to them and the Parthians intended to go even to the top of the hill. When they came up, the Romans ran toward them and without much work forced them into a disorderly retreat. The Romans killed some of the Parthians but the most were killed by their own side in their retreat when they saw that some were fleeing when some had just arrived at the hill. (Dio, l.48. p. 381.)
  42. Ventidius followed the Parthians that fled into Cilicia to their camp. They did not go toward Labienus. Ventidius saw that Labienus still stood there. When Labienus had set his men in array, he saw that his men were astonished by the flight of the barbarians and he dared not fight. He intended to escape somewhere by night. When Ventidius found out about this from some fugitives from Labienus, he killed many of them as they left by setting ambushes. All the rest deserted Labienus and he fled. (Dio, l.48. p. 381.)
  43. Labienus changed his attire and after he had hid in Cilicia for some time, he was sought out and taken by Demetrius who then governed Cyprus for Antony. (Dio, l.48. p. 381.)
  44. When these things were done, Ventidius recovered and settled Cilicia. He sent ahead of him, Popedius Silo, with cavalry to the Amanus Mountain. It was located in the region of Cilicia and Syria. He went to take control of the passes. Silo was unable to capture a citadel that was there and also was in extreme danger from Pharnapates, the lieutenant of Pacorus, who held that pass. Silo had been utterly routed but Ventidius came by chance as they were fighting and so brought him help. He attacked the outnumbered Parthians suddenly and Pharnapates along with many others were killed. Ventidius recovered Syria without fighting after the Parthians had abandoned it. He only fought at Aradus. The Arabians feared the punishment for their bold attacks against Antony and did not surrender to Ventidius even though he attacked them for some time. (Dio, l.48. p. 381,382.)
  45. Herod did not know of his brother Phasaelus' death and went to Malchus, the king of the Arabians [Nabateans] who was obliged to him for many favours Herod had done for him. He was willing to spend 300 talents to redeem his brother as soon as he could from the enemy. For this reason, he took with him Phasaelus, his brother's son, a child of seven years old, to leave him as a pledge with the Arabians. However, he was met by some who were sent from Malchus to him. They told him he should leave Malchus' kingdom for so the Parthians had ordered. However, this was only a pretence he and his nobles agreed to so they could defraud Herod of the treasure which his father Antipater had committed to their custody. Herod was very discouraged and returned to a certain temple where he had left many of his followers. The next day when he came to Rhinocorura, he heard of his brother's death. (Josephus, l.14. c.25.)
  46. Malchus was sorry for his ingratitude and quickly sent after Herod. He could not overtake him for he was gone far on his way to Pelusium. The sailors who were to sail to Alexandria, denied him passage. Herod was honourably entertained by the magistrates of the place and brought to Cleopatra, the queen. She could not detain him because he was hurried to Rome although the sea was very stormy and the affairs in Italy at that time were in bad condition. It was not yet winter time, [as Salianus had observed Tormellus, 4014 AM, (Numbers 26,27).] I take that ceimwio ogto in Josephus concerning a storm at sea. Herod ignored the storms and sailed from Alexandria toward Pamphylia. He ran into a violent storm and had to throw most of his goods overboard and barely got to Rhodes. (Josephus, l.14. c.25.)
  47. He was met at Rhodes by two of his best friends, Sappinas and Ptolemais. They found that the city had suffered much in the war against Cassius. He could not be restrained in even his present poverty but wanted to do something for Rhodes even above his ability. He had a frigate to be built. Then Herod embarked with his friends and he arrived at Brundusium in Italy. From there he went to Rome and told Antony those things which had happened to him and his family. He mentioned the storms dia comdto and recounted all the dangers and that he had retired to Antony, his only refuge in whom all his hope lay. (Josephus, l.14. c.25.)
  48. The story stirred Antony and he recalled also his father's friendship. He was especially moved by the promise of money if he made Herod king and his hatred of Antigonus who was a man of a turbulent spirit and an enemy to the Romans. This made him more inclined to Herod. Caesar was also moved. Antipater had been a fellow soldier with his father in Egypt and for other courtesies which Antipater had showed his father. To satisfy Antony whom he knew was well disposed to Herod, Caesar was willing to promote his endeavours. Thereupon, the senate was called. Messala and Atratinus brought out Herod. After they had praised him, they recalled the services and good will that both his father and he had done for the Romans. They accused Antigonus for previous crimes and for his recent sedition against the Romans. He had received the kingdom from the Parthians. When Antony had declared to the senate, how helpful it would be to the Parthian war that was still raging if Herod should be made king. Antigonus was declared an enemy and the kingly title was given to Herod by their general consent. (Josephus, l.14. c.25.)
  49. After the senate was dismissed, Antony and Caesar went out and led Herod between them. They were accompanied by the consuls and other magistrates. They went up to the capitol to sacrifice there and to place the decree of the senate there. Antony feasted the new king on the first day of his reign. Hence Herod obtained the kingdom in the 185th Olympiad, [not 184th as it is in Josephus.] Domitius Calvinus 2nd and Asinius Pollio were consuls. Within seven days, Antony dismissed Herod from Italy who was honoured with this unexpected friendship. (Josephus, l.14. c.25.)
3965 AM, 4674 JP, 40 BC
  1. At the same time of Herod's absence, Antigonus attacked his family in Masada. They had plenty of provisions but lacked water. For this reason, Herod's brother, Joseph, planned with 200 of his friends to escape to the Arabians. He had heard that Malchus now repented of the ingratitude that he had showed to Herod. However, it rained that night and he changed his mind for the cisterns were filled with water. They made a gallant sally out and killed many of Antigonus' men, in the open field and in surprise attacks. (Josephus, l.14. c.25.)
  2. Ventidius easily recovered Palestine. Antigonus who was its king, was very afraid and Ventidius exacted huge sums of money from all men, especially from Antigonus, Antiochus [Commagenian] and Malchus the Nabatean. They had helped Pacorus. (Dio, l.48. p. 382.) He came also into Palestine, under the pretence to help Joseph. His real purpose was to extort money from Antigonus. Therefore he camped near Jerusalem and drew from him a sufficient sum of money and to the intent that his fraudulent dealing should not be discovered, he left Silo there with some part of his forces. Antigonus was to obey Silo lest he should create some new troubles. He hoped the Parthians would come to his aid. [??] (Joseph. l.14. c.26.)
  3. There was in the company of Antony an Egyptian, an astrologer who told him that although his fortune was most splendid and great, it was obscured by the fortune of Caesar. Therefore he persuaded him to get as far away from that young man as he could, for your genius is afraid of his genius. When your genius is erect and high when alone, it becomes more remiss when Caesar draws near. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  4. After these things, Antony went to go to the Parthian war. He had all his acts, those past and future, confirmed by the senate. Again, he dismissed many of his commanders and settled all things as he wished. He made some kings by his own authority who would only pay a certain tribute. He made Herod, king both of the Idumeans and Samaritans, Darius [the son of Pharnaces and nephew of Mithridates] of Pontus, Amyntus of the Pisidians, Polemon of part of Cilicia and other kings in other countries. (Appian, l.5. p. 715.) He committed the care of his family to Caesar and he left Italy and took Octavia with him into Greece. He had one son by her. (Plutarch, in Antony) He stayed there many days. (Dio, l.48. p. 380.)
  5. Normally, Antony would winter his army around him. However, to get them accustomed to plunder and exercise, he sent them against the Parthieni, a country of Illyria which in previous times greatly troubled Brutus. He sent others against the Dardanians who also lived in Illyria and were in the habit of invading Macedonia. He ordered others to stay with him in Epirus that he might have them all around him. He planned to make Athens his winter quarters. He sent also Furnius into Africa, that he might lead the four legions of Sextius against the Parthians for he had not as yet heard that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. When these things were done, he wintered at Athens with Octavia as he had done before at Alexandria with Cleopatra. (Appian, l. 5. p. 715,716.)
  6. As he wintered at Athens, he heard early reports about Ventidius' good success. He learned that the Parthians were defeated and Ventidius had killed Labienus and Pharnapates or Phraates the chief general of king Herod or Orodes. For these victories, he made a feast for the Greeks and held games for the people of Athens. He was the main person in the games. Therefore he left at home his imperial ensigns and went abroad with the rods that judges in such exercises used. He was clothed with coats and shoes called Phaecasia. He joined the young gamesters. When they had contended as long as he thought good, he ended the games. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  7. Antony was praised at Rome and processions were decreed in his name. Ventidius received no reward as decreed by the senate, because he was not a general but carried on the war under the authority of another. (Dio, l.48. p. 382.)
  8. Castor received the countries of Attalus and Dejotarus after they had died. (Dio, l.48. p. (277).)
  9. When Herod returned from Italy to Ptolemais, he gathered a number of mercenaries and those of his own country and hurried through Galilee against Antigonus. He was helped by Silo and Ventidius, to whom Dellius [for so his name is to be read, (Josephus, Antiq. l.15., c.2.) not Gellius] was sent from Antony with orders that they should help him get his kingdom. Ventidius was by chance detained for settling the uprisings in various cities that the Parthians had caused. Silo was in Judea but bribed with money from Antigonus. However, Herod's forces increased daily and all of Galilee with few exceptions stood by Herod. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  10. As Herod was marching to Masada to help his family, Joppa would not let him pass. He must first take the city from the possession of the enemy because he would not leave behind him any fortification on his march to Jerusalem. Silo had taken Jerusalem and dislodged Antigonus' army. When the Jews pursued him, Herod met them with a small band of men and saved Silo who fought very cowardly. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  11. After Joppa was taken, he hurried to Masada to deliver his family from the siege. His army was greatly increased and many of the country people joined with him. After he had freed his friends from Masada, he approached Jerusalem in spite of Antigonus who had made ambushes for him in all convenient places. The soldiers also of Silo followed him and many of the Jews were terrified by his power. When he had camped on the west side of the city, those that held the walls on that side shot at him with their arrows. Various men came out in troops and attacked their quarters. Herod commanded an herald to proclaim around the walls that he came for the public good and for the preservation of the city and that he would pardon all former wrongs. On the other side, Antigonus talked to Silo and the Romans. He told them that it was unjust to give the kingdom to Herod who was a private man and an Idumaean, that is, an half Jew. By custom, it ought to be given to the priests. When as Antigonus' men, valiantly shot from the towers and had driven the enemy from the walls, he bribed secretly some Silo's soldiers whom he knew. They were to demand more provisions and money to buy them with. Also they were to request to be withdrawn into more commodious winter quarters. Thereupon the army was troubled and was preparing to leave. Herod intreated the captains and soldiers of Silo's army that they would not leave him now. He was sent both by Caesar and Antony and all the rest of the senate. Soon he sent his soldiers into the country and removed any pretence for Silo to leave. They returned with an abundant supply of provisions that was more than anyone could hope for. He ordered his friends who lived around Samaria that they should bring to Jericho, grain, wine, oil, cattle and other necessaries so that for the future, there might be enough for the soldiers. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  12. When Antigonus knew this, he sent into the country troops to intercept those bringing supplies. However, Herod captured them with his ten cohorts, five were Romans and five were Jews. Herod intermixed some foreign soldiers and a few cavalry with them and went to Jericho. He found the city empty of the inhabitants. 500 had fled with their families to the tops of the hills. Herod captured these and let them go again. The Romans entered the city and plundered it. They found the houses full of all precious things. Herod left a garrison and returned and dismissed the Roman army to winter in the countries that had recently surrendered to him. These were Idumaea, Galilee and Samaria. Antigonus also obtained by bribing Silo that part of the Roman army should be lodged in Lydda to please Antony. Thus the Romans lived in plenty and free from bearing arms. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  13. Herod was not idle. He sent his brother Joseph into Idumaea with 1000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry. Herod went into Samaria, and there settled his mother and the rest of his family whom he had taken from Masada. He then marched into Galilee and surprised some places that were held by Antigonus' garrisons. When he came to Sephorus in snowy weather, Antigonus' men fled from there and Herod took great amounts of provisions. From there he sent a cavalry troop and three companies of foot soldiers against some thieves who lived in caves near the village of Arbella. He wanted to keep them in check. On the 40th day Herod came there with the whole army whom the enemy boldly met. They made his left wing begin to waver, until he arrived with the main body and helped them. He forced his enemy that was winning, to flee and his own men who were fleeing to stand. He was not content with this and he followed the chase as far as the Jordan River. By this he subdued all Galilee except those that inhabited the caves. He gave every soldier 150 drachmas and more to the captains. Then he dismissed them into their winter quarters. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  14. In the meantime, Silo came to him with his captains who had wintered with Antigonus, for he would not supply them any longer than one month. Antigonus had sent to the inhabitants around there and ordered them, to destroy all supplies in the country and to flee to the mountains. He did this so that the Romans might perish through famine. However, Herod committed the care of the provisions to his brother, Pheroras and ordered him to rebuild Alexandrium. In a short time Pheroras had furnished the soldiers with abundance of all necessaries and rebuilt Alexandrium again which was previously destroyed. About this time Antony stayed at Athens. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  15. When P. Ventidius heard that Pacorus was gathering an army and coming into Syria, he was afraid. The cities were not guarded and the armies still dispersed in their winter quarters. Therefore to stop Pacorus and buy time to get his own forces together, he went to Chaunaeus, a certain governor with whom he was well acquainted and he knew was friendly to the Parthians. Nevertheless he highly honoured him as if he had been his faithful friend and asked his advice in some affairs. He pretended to let him think he was in on his most secret plans. Hence he pretended as though he were afraid lest the Parthians not follow their usual crossing over the Euphrates River at Zeugma and use some lower part of the river. That area was a plain and better for the Parthian cavalry and the other place was hilly and favoured him. Then he persuaded Chaunaeus and by him deceived Pacorus. The Parthians took the longer march through the plain [through which Ventidius pretended he did not want them to go.] This gave Ventidius time to collect his forces. This is how Dio related the story. (Dio, l.56. p. 403,404.) Frontinus stated it happened this way. (Frontinus, Stratagem. l.10. c.1.) Ventidius, in the Parthian war against King Pacorus, knew that Pharneus who was a Cyrrhestian and pretended to be one of his allies, told the Parthians whatever was done in his camp. He used the perfidiousness of the barbarian to his own advantage. For those things that he most desired, he pretended as though he were afraid they should happen. Those he was most afraid of, he made as though he desired. He was really afraid lest the Parthians would cross the Euphrates River before that his legions could come to him which he had in Cappadocia on the other side of Taurus. He very carefully deceived the traitor that by his normal spying, he would persuade the Parthians that they should cross over with their army at Zeugma. Here the journey is shorter and the channel not so deep. If they came that way, he affirmed that he could make much use of the hills to evade the archers but he was very afraid if they should come by the plain.
  16. Antony spent the winter at Athens with great luxury and enjoying the pleasure of Octavia, as if he had been a different man. He returned to the old Roman virtues. Now the lictors were around the gates and the captains and his guards with him. He arranged all things to make men afraid of him. Ambassadors now had an audience who had waited a long time. Justice was administered, the ships were launched and all things were done quickly. (Appian, l.5. p. 716.) Finally, he took a crown from the sacred olive tree and was ready to go to war. To satisfy a certain oracle, he carried with him a vessel filled from the Mountain Clapsydra. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  17. In Syria, Ventidius sent for Silo to go against the Parthians. He ordered him first to help Herod and then to bring Herod along with the rest of the auxiliaries of those provinces. However, Herod, had sent Silo to him and marched with his soldiers against the thieves that lived in the caves. Josephus gives more details about this. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.12, Antiq. l. 14. c.27.)
  18. Herod made Ptolemais governor of the country but his government was disturbed when it was invaded by those who previously bothered that country. Ptolemais was killed. After this the invaders retired to the marshes and unaccessible places and robbed and invaded all that country. When Herod returned, he made them pay dearly for their thievery. Some of the rebellious persons were killed and others fled into fortified places. Herod conquered them and he punished them. He razed their strong holds and got rid of the leaders of these revolts. He fined the cities 100 talents. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.12, Antiq. l.14. c.27.)
  19. Pacorus arrived in Syria with numerous Parthian forces that went by the shorter route at Zeugma while he brought his army around by the plain. While the barbarians made a bridge between the wider banks, it was more unwieldy. It took 40 days to come with their army and the engines. Ventidius used this time to gather his forces which he received only three days before the Parthians came. Ventidius had allowed them to cross the river for he did not attack them in their crossing. He made them think that the Romans were effeminate and cowards. Ventidius pretended fear and did not attack them but suffered the insults of the Parthians for a long time. At last he sent some of the legions against them when they were in security and not watchful. On the first attack the Parthians were discomfited and routed. When Pacorus saw his men fleeing, he thought that all the legions had attacked them. Therefore he attacked Ventidius' camp, with his main body, as though it had been left without anyone to defend it. It was located on an hill and when the Parthian cavalry attacked it, they were easily pushed down the precipice by a sudden sally that the Romans made. However, Ventidius did not lead out the rest of the legions from the camp again, until they were come within half a mile of him. Then he made so sudden assault when they were near him. Their arrows were no use against him because he was still too far away. By this plan, he quickly set upon the barbarians who were over confident. His slingers helped him very much and exceedingly afflicted the barbarians with their violent strokes from a distance. However the Parthians, of whom many were armed at all points, fought stoutly. Pacorus himself valiantly fought and was killed. A few courageously strove in vain for his body. Ventidius killed all the Parthian cavalry all along between the Orontes and Euphrates Rivers. He killed over 20,000 which was the most the Parthians had lost in any war. Those that tried to get home over the bridge were prevented by their enemies and were killed. Others fled into Commagena, to King Antiochus. Thus Ventidius again drove the Parthians within Media and Mesopotamia, but would not pursue them any farther for fear of the envy of Antony. (Livy, l.128.; Florus, l.4. c.9.; Strabo, l.16. p. 751.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.78.; Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.27.; Gellius, l.15. c.4. ex Suetonius; Justin, l.42. c.4.; Plutarch, in Antony; Julius Frontonius, Stratagem, l.1. c.1, l.2. c.2; Dio, l.49. p. 404; Eutropius, l.7.; Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.; Orosius, l.6. c.18.)
  20. The most famous victory was obtained in Syria Cyrrestica. (Plutarch, in Antony; Dio, l. 49. p. 404; Strabo, l.16. p. 751.) Pacorus was killed on the same day of the year when fourteen years earlier, his father, Orodes, had killed Crassus by his captain Surena. (Dio. l.49. p. 404.; Eutropius, l.7.; Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.; Orosius, l.6. c.18.) This happened in the month of June. (Ovid, Fasti, l.6.)
  21. Ventidius made an expedition against those who had revolted and subdued them. (Plutarch, in Antony) The Syrians loved Pacorus very much for his justice and clemency and never had any king like him. (Dio, l.49. p. 404.) Therefore, when Syria was uncertain about the outcome of the war, Ventidius carried about Pacorus' head to all the cities that had revolted. He easily restored order without any fighting. (Dio, l.49. p. 404.; Florus, l.4. c.9.)
  22. Orodes had previously heard that Syria was wasted and Asia seized by the Parthians and he gloried that Pacorus had conquered the Romans. When he suddenly heard of his son's death and the destruction of his army, he went mad for very grief. For many days, he spoke to no one nor ate anything. He was speechless so that he seemed to be stricken dumb. After many days, when grief had restored his voice, he did nothing but call to Pacorus to speak and stand beside him. Then again he would with many tears bewail the loss of him. [Justin. l.42. c.4.]
  23. At Rome, the senate decreed for this victory against the Parthians, processions and a triumph. As of yet, Ventidius had never triumphed because he was not a general and according to the laws, because it was his province. These things were decreed for Antony because he seemed abundantly to have recompensed the defeat of Crassus by the destruction of Pacorus. (Dio, l.49. p. 404,405.)
  24. Ventidius led his army against Antiochus, the Commagenian, under the pretence that he had not given him his servants. He really wanted all of Antiochus' treasure. (Dio, l.49. p. 404.)
  25. Ventidius attacked Antiochus and besieged him in Samosata. He promised to give Ventidius 1000 talents and that he would obey Antony. Ventidius ordered him to send ambassadors to Antony [for he was far from there] to demand peace from him. Only Antony could grant peace and Ventidius did not want to appear to have acted alone in this. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  26. Antony ordered Ventidius to send Machaeras to help Herod with two legions and 1000 cavalry. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.27.) Antony was happy but envious of both the victories Ventidius had over Labienus and Pacorus. Ventidius had good success all by himself. Although there were processions and a triumph decreed to him for both the victories that Ventidius had gotten, yet Antony removed him from his charge, [the government of Syria] and neither then nor later used his help any more. Thus wrote Dio. However, Plutarch wrote that Ventidius was honoured by Antony and that he was sent by Antony to the triumph.
  27. Machaeras at the instigation of Antigonus with the approval of Herod, acted like he had been bribed and went to Antigonus to look into his actions. Antigonus suspected him and did not allow him in but drove him from there with slings. Machaeras knew that Herod had given him good counsel and he was wrong for not following it. Therefore, he went to Emmaus and on his march, he killed all the Jews that he found whether they were friend or foe. He was angry at those things that had happened. Herod was grieved by his actions and went to Samaria and planned to go to Antony to say that he needed different men than those who did him more harm than his enemies. Herod would subdue Antigonus by himself. Machaeras caught up to him and begged him to stay or if he was determined to go on, at least that he would give him his brother Joseph so that they together could make war against Antigonus. After much intreaty, Herod was reconciled to Machaeras. He left Joseph, his brother, with the army and ordered him that in his absence he was to fight with Antigonus but take no unnecessary risks. Herod hurried to Antony, whom he found assaulting Samosata, a city near Euphrates, and brought with him auxiliaries of foot soldiers and cavalry. (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.27.)
  28. After Herod came to Antioch, he found many there who wanted to help Antony but dared not go because the barbarians were lying in wait along the way. Herod offered to escort them and so he came to Samosata to Antony. He had defeated the barbarians once or twice. Antony entertained Herod very honourably and was much praised for his valour. (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.27.)
  29. The siege of Samosata lasted for a long time and the besieged behaved valiantly for they despaired of peace. (Plutarch, in Antony) Antony suspected that his soldiers were alienated from him because he had used Ventidius very poorly as Dio wrote. He privately mentioned some hope of peace so that he might depart with honour. When he could only receive two hostages who were not noble men and they would not give him any money, he granted peace to Antiochus and was content with the 300 talents. Antiochus yielded to him that he might put to death Alexander who had formerly fled from him to the Romans. (Dio, l.49. p. 405.; Plutarch, in Antony; Orosius, l.6. c.18.)
3966 AM, 4675 JP, 39 BC
  1. This war was thus concluded. Antony made C. Sosius, the governor of Syria and Cilicia with an army. (Dio, l.48. p. 405.; Josephus, l.14. p. 27.) He had often very good success in fighting in Syria. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  2. After the affairs in Syria were somewhat settled, Plutarch wrote that Antony returned to Athens. Josephus said that he went into Egypt. Dio said he intended to go to Italy. It seems that he may first have returned to Athens and from there to have passed into Italy after being called there by Caesar and then returned to Athens to have sailed to Egypt to spend the winter with Cleopatra. He was sent for by Caesar from Athens that they might consult together about the war against Sextus Pompeius. He came with a few men as far as Brundusium where he did not find Caesar on the appointed day. He was frightened by a certain prodigy and he went back again to Greece under the pretence of the urgency of the Parthian war. Caesar was not pleased that he did not wait for him. (Appian, l.5. p. 717. 718.; Dio, l.48. p. 385.) Joseph forgot his brother Herod's orders and while he was away he went toward Jericho with his own and five Roman cohorts given him by Machaecas. He wanted to harvest the enemies' grain which was now ripe. He camped in the mountains. The Roman cohorts were mostly raw soldiers and unskilled in the art of military matters because most of them were taken from Syria. He was surrounded by the enemies in the midst of those places and lost six cohorts. He fought valiantly but was killed. Antigonus who had the dead bodies, was so enraged that he whipped the dead body of Joseph even though Pheroras, his brother, offered 50 talents to redeem it. After this Galilaeans revolted from their governors and drowned those that were of Herod's side in the lake. In Idumea, also there were many seditions when Machaecas fortified Gitta. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  3. Caius Sosius was ordered by Antony to help Herod against Antigonus and sent with him two cohorts to Judea. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13, Antiq., l.14. c.27.) He subdued the Aradians who had endured a siege but now were worn out with famine and sickness. (Dio, l.49. p. 405.)
  4. Herod found out at Daphne in the suburbs of Antioch about his brother's death and the military defeat. Herod expected this because of some dreams that he had. Therefore he hurried and he came to the Libanus Mountain. He took with him 800 men from that place and led one cohort of the Romans with him and came to Ptolemais. From there by night, he went with the army and crossed Galilee. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  5. He met his enemies and defeated them and forced them into the castle from which they came from the day before. When Herod attacked at day break, he was forced to stop because of bad weather. He led his men into the adjoining villages. When another cohort arrived from Antony, those who held the fort were dismayed and forsook it at night. Herod hurried to Jericho, with an intent to revenge his brother's death. When he arrived, he made a feast for the noblemen. After the feast was over and the guests dismissed, he retired to his lodging. The room where they ate was now empty and collapsed and no one was hurt. By this event, all thought Herod to be beloved of God who had so miraculously preserved him. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  6. The next day 6000 of the enemies came down from the tops of the mountains to fight with him. They terrified the Romans with their arrows and stones. They chased Herod's soldiers so that the king himself received a wound in his side. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13, Antiq., l.14. c. 27.)
  7. Antigonus sent a captain whose name was Pappus into Samaria who desired to show off the size of his forces and fought against Machaecas. Herod had taken five towns and killed 2000 of the garrison soldiers. Then he set the towns on fire and he went against Pappus, who was camped at a village called Isanae. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  8. Many came to Herod from Jericho and Judea. When he saw the enemy was so bold as to come to battle with him, he fought and defeated them. He was so inflamed with a desire to revenge his brother's death, he slew those who fled and followed them even into the village. The houses were filled with soldiers and some fled to the tops of the houses for safety. These were overcome and the houses thrown down. He found all other places filled with soldiers who were miserably crushed to death. The rest fled in companies and were very afraid. Immediately Herod went to Jerusalem and had not the bitterness of the winter hindered him he would have ended the war. Now Antigonus began to think of fleeing and to forsake the city. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  9. In the evening when Herod had dismissed his friends to refresh themselves, he was still sweating in his armour and went into a chamber accompanied with only one servant to wash himself. Inside some of his enemies who were armed, were hiding from fear. While he was naked and washed himself, one with a drawn sword hurried to escape through the doors and then another and likewise a third, all of them were armed. They were so astonished that they were glad to save themselves and did no harm to Herod. The next day, he cut off Papus' head and sent it to his brother, Pherorus in revenge for his brother's death whom he had killed. It was Pappus who with his own hand, had killed Joseph. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13, Antiq., l.14. c.27.)
  10. At Rome, four days before [5th calends] of December, P. Ventidius for his victory at Taurus Mountains and over the Parthians, as we read in marble calendars of the triumphs. (Gruter, inscript. p. 297.) Ventidius Bassus was a man of lowly parentage and rose by the favour of Antony to such height of honour that he was made governor of the eastern provinces. He triumphed for his conquest over Labienus Pacorus and the Parthians, who himself was twice [if we may believe Massurius in Pliny] led in triumph with other captives. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.65.; Valerius Maximus, l.6. c.9.; Pliny, l.7. c.43.; Gellius, l.15. c.4. ex Suetonius; Plutarch, in Antony; Dio, l.49. p. 405; Eutropius, l.7.) See note for the end of the year 4671 JP. Spain was now controlled by Caesar Octavian after being subdued by Domitius Calvinus, the proconsul. The Spaniards began their computation of time from the first of January of this year as may be understood from others and also from Eulogius, the archbishop of Toledo, in his Memorial of the Saints.
  11. In the beginning of the spring, Antony arrived with 300 ships at Tarentum from Syria according to Dio, or from Athens according to Appian. He came to help Caesar against Sextus Pompeius. Caesar refused his help and Antony took this badly. However, he stayed in the same place since he had unwillingly spent so much on this navy and he needed Italian legions for the Parthian war. He thought to exchange his fleet for them. Although by the agreement, both of them had power to raise soldiers in Italy. However, this would be very difficult for him, since Italy by lot was allocated to Caesar. Therefore he sent Octavia [who accompanied him from Greece and who also was then with child and by whom Antony had had a second daughter] to her brother Caesar. He hoped she would make peace between them. She helped settle matters so that Antony should deliver to Caesar at Tarentum presently, 150 ships, [for which Plutarch wrote 100 war ships.] For these, Caesar promised that he would send to Antony from Italy duo tagmata [as it is in Plutarch] or 20,000 soldiers [as Appian has it.] Moreover besides the covenants, Octavia obtained for her brother of her husband, 20 small ships, as Plutarch stated or ten galleys of three tiers of oars [??] as Appian stated. Caesar again gave to Octavia, 1000 men for Antony's guard and let Antony chose them. (Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, l.5. p. 725, (726).; Dio, l.48. p. 390.) To strengthen the alliance, Caesar betrothed his daughter [Julia] to Antyllus the son of Antony and Antony betrothed the daughter he had by Octavia, to Domitius [Aenobarous] although he was guilty of the murder of Julius Caesar and had been proscribed. These things were only done for show and they had no intention of following through but did this for expediency's sake. (Dio, l.48. p. 390.)
  12. After the five years time of the triumvirate had expired, they extended their power for another five years and did not ask for the people's consent. (Dio, l.48. p. 390.; Appian, l.5. p. 726,727.) Antony sent back Octavia to Italy out of fear of any danger in the Parthian war. He commended to Caesar, the children that he had both by her and Fulvia and he went into Syria. (Plutarch, in Antony; Appian, l.5. p. 727.; Dio, l.48. p. 390,391.)
  13. Cleopatra built a new library in the same place where the old one at Alexandria was burnt in Julius Caesar's time. the library was called the daughter of the former one as Epiphanius affirms in his book of measures and weights. From the 7th year of Ptolemais Philadelphus, in which we have shown at the year 4437 JP when the previous library was built, Epiphanius incorrectly calculated 249 years to this time which should end in the year 4686 JP which was one year after Cleopatra's death. The main cause of his error is this. Epiphanius attributed 32 years to the reign of Cleopatra, instead of 22. If we deduct ten years from both, we make the time between the founding of the two libraries, 239 years. To this time belongs what Plutarch (Plutarch, in Antony) wrote that it was objected to Antony by Calvinius: "that he had given to Cleopatra the libraries that were at Pergamos in which were 20,000 entire books or single volumes."
  14. Strabo spoke of katoikiatou pergamou, possessions, not of libraries that were then extant in his time (Strabo, l.13. p. 624.) [as Lipsius thought in the fourth chapter of his Syntagme of libraries.]
  15. Herod in the beginning of the third year after he had been declared king at Rome, came with an army to Jerusalem and camped near the city. He soon moved nearer the place where he planned to first to assault the walls. He placed his tents before the temple and intended to assail them where Pompey had done in the past. Therefore he surrounded the place with three bulwarks and he erected his batteries with the help of many workmen. He brought materials from all places around there. He placed suitable men to oversee the works while he went to Samaria to solemnize his marriage with Mariamme, the daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who was formerly betrothed to him. (Josephus, Antiq. l.14. c.27. fin.)
  16. After the marriage, Sosius came through Phoenicia after he had sent his army through the continent. He came there himself with many cavalry and foot soldiers. Herod also came from Samaria with a considerable army of 30,000 men. He had eleven legions of foot soldiers and 6000 cavalry in addition to the Syrian auxiliaries, [who were not included in the total.] He made their camp at the north wall of the city. Two generals were over the army, Herod and Sosius, who was sent by Antony to help Herod. Herod started this war to oust Antigonus who was an enemy of the people of Rome and so that he might be king in his place according to the decree of the senate. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.28, Wars, l.1. c.13.)
  17. The Jews were gathered from the whole country and here besieged within the walls. They made valiant resistance and boasted much of the temple of the Lord and wished well to the people. They said that God would not forsake his people in their danger. They destroyed all the provisions which were outside the city, both for man and horse. They secretly stole supplies and made provisions very scarce for the besiegers. However, Herod provided well for this. He placed ambushes in suitable places and he prevented their thievery. He sent his soldiers to fetch provisions from afar so that in a short time the army was well furnished with all supplies. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.28, Wars, l.1. c.13.)
  18. The large number of the workmen easily finished the three bulwarks. It was now summer and the work went on and he was not hindered by bad weather. He often battered the walls with his engines and attacked all parts of it. The besieged fought valiantly and used all their cunning to evade their enemies' endeavours. They often sallied out and set fire to their works. Some of the works were finished and some were still in construction. They fought valiantly hand to hand with the Romans and were just as brave but not as well trained as the Romans were. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.28, Wars, l.1. c.13.)
3967 AM, 4676 JP, 38 BC
  1. The sabbatical year was now approaching and brought a famine to the Jews that were besieged. In spite of this, they built a new wall to replace the parts which were battered down by the engines. They countermined the enemies' mines so that sometimes they fought hand to hand underground and using despair rather than courage they held out to the last. (Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c.28.) Pollio, the Pharisee and Samias, his disciple, advised them to let Herod into the city. They said that because of their sins, it was inevitable that Herod would be their king. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.17., l.15. c.1.)
  2. They held out in the siege for five months for there was so large an army besieging them. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13.) Finally, 20 of Herod's best soldiers got on the wall and were followed by the centurions of Sosius. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.28.)
  3. The first wall was taken on the 40th day and the second one on the 50th. Some galleries around the temple were burnt which Herod blamed Antigonus for so the people would hate him. The outer part of the temple was taken and then the lower city. The Jews fled into the inner part of the temple and the upper city. They feared that they should be hindered from offering the daily sacrifices to God and sent ambassadors to ask permission that those beasts only might be brought in. Herod granted this and hoped by this that they would not be obstinate and submit themselves. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.28.)
  4. When Herod saw this was not going to happen and that the besieged obstinately fought to protect the government of Antigonus, Herod made a general assault and took the city (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.28.) on the first of January of the 4677 JP on the second day of the month Chisleu. According to the records of the eastern people of the civilyear, this was the third in which the 28th day when the Jews kept a solemn fast, in memory of the holy roll that was burnt by Jehoiakim. See note on 3941a AM <<4045>>.
  5. The first of January, because of the incorrect intercalating done at that time at Rome was really the last day of December. This concluded the first five years of the triumviri and also the consulship of Claudius and Nortanus to which this calamity of the Jews is referred by Dio. (Dio, l.49. p. 405.) The next day, M. Vespsanius Agrippa and L. Cuminius Gallus entered their consulships at Rome. Josephus stated: (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.ult.) "This calamity of Jerusalem happened in the consulship of M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus in the 185th Olympiad, [that is in the third year] the third month on a solemn fast day. It was as if the calamity that happened to the Jews twenty seven years earlier was about again to repeat itself at the same time, [for the city was taken by Herod on the same day.]"
  6. But yet this interval of time exceeds the true account by one year unless you interpret metaeth kz, in the year after the twenty seventh, as in (Mark 8:31). It is said that Christ shall rise again, meta ptirieth Chonok after three days which is more clearly explained (Matthew 16:21) thpeith imira on the third day. In /APC (2 Maccabees 14:1) moqrieth chirth after the time of three years. The interpreters explain it to be the third year. In the Catalogue of the Station, of Julius Africanus, 211th Olympiad the games of Olympus are said to be celebrated by Nero not at a lawful time, but mita xth dno, that is, in the second year of that Olympiad. (in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri. p. (221).) Even in Josephus himself that (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.11.] stated dentef outj
  7. After the city was captured, it was filled with murdered bodies. The Romans were incensed that they had to continue the siege for so long and the Herodian Jews tried to eliminate the opposing faction. There were continual slaughters through the porches and houses. The reverence of the temple did not save the suppliants. They spared neither age nor sex, not even children. Although Herod begged and intreated them to stop, no one obeyed him but continued as if they had been mad and they showed their cruelty without respect of age. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.ult.)
  8. Antigonus came down from the town and fell at Sosius' feet. He did not show any pity because of his change of his fortune but insulted him and called him, Madam Antigona. He put him in prison and set keepers over him. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.ult.)
  9. When a number of mercenaries rushed into the temple and even its inner sanctuary, Herod restrained them by entreaty, some by threats and some by force of arms. He thought his victory worse than if he had been defeated if any of those things which were not lawful to be seen were beheld by the profane people. He forbid any plundering in the city as much he was able to. Likewise he entreated Sosius and asked if the Romans would make him king of a wilderness since the city was so depopulated with repines and murders. He replied that the soldiers desired the plunder of the city because of the long siege they endured. Herod answered that he would reward every man from his own treasury and by this means he freed the city from any further trouble. He kept his promise and he generously gave gifts to the soldiers and in proportion to the commanders and royally to Sosius. So Sosius, offered a crown of gold to God and left Jerusalem. He took Antigonus with him prisoner to Antony. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.ult.)
  10. Herod made a distinction between the people of the city. He promoted those on his side and daily killed those on the opposing side. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13, Antiq., l.15. c.1.] Among those whom he killed, were all those judges of the great sanhedrim who had accused him of some capital crime before he was king. He spared Pollio, the Pharisee, and his disciple. Samias and he highly honoured them. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.14, Antiq., l.15. c.17, l.15. c. 1.)
  11. He gathered together all the royal ornaments and by collections and by taking away from rich men, he got a large amount of gold and silver which he gave to Antony and his soldiers. He put to death 45 of Antigonus' chief noble men and set a watch at the doors that none of them might be carried out under pretence of being dead. All the gold or silver that was found, was all brought to Herod so that there was no end of these miseries. The covetousness of the needy conqueror consumed all their goods. Since it was a sabbatical year, the fields were not tilled for it was unlawful to sow them. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.1.)
  12. These miserable times were witnessed by Zacharias the priest, with his wife Elizabeth. Of the remains of David's family, Heli and Joseph saw these things. It was also witnessed by Anna the prophetess, of the tribe of Asher and Simon the Just who received an answer from the Holy Spirit that he should not see death until he had seen the Lord's Christ. (Luke 2:26)
  13. Antony took Antigonus and planned to keep him prisoner with him until his triumph. He saw that Herod was afraid, lest when Antigonus was brought to Rome by Antony, he would contend with him before the senate for his right to the kingdom. Antony heard that the country was ready to revolt from hatred to Herod and they favoured Antigonus. Antony received large sums of money from Herod, he cut off Antigonus' head at Antioch. He gave him the vain hope of life right up to the end. After this was done, Herod was totally free from fear. The government of the Hasmonaeans was now ended. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.ult., l.20. c.8., Wars, l.1. c.13.)
  14. Two years and seven months elapsed from the beginning of the priesthood and government of Antigonus, to the taking of Jerusalem. From this also the third year of his reign of both Antigonus and Herod, Antigonus was killed by Antony. This is written in the 52nd chapter of the Jewish History which is written in Arabic and set forth in the Paris Bible of many languages. However, Josephus attributes to Antigonus, three years and three months. (Josephus, Antiq., l.20. c.8.] If this included the time up until his death, it would extend to August of this year. According to our account, from the beginning of the raise of Judas Maccabaeus until now, elapsed 126 years and two or three months. Josephus, agreed (Josephus, Antiq., l.14 c.ult.) and wrote that the government of the Hasmonaeans ended and Antigonus was killed, mepi thrus was 125 years. This is calculated from the beginning of Judas Maccabaeus to the beginning of the third year of the reign of Herod when the siege of Jerusalem began.
  15. Other foreign writers have written concerning the taking of Jerusalem and the death of Antigonus. Livy (Livy, l.128.) referred to this time in the epitome of which: "The Jews are said to be subdued by the lieutenants of Antony."
  16. So said the old books, where in the language it is written: "The ambassadors of the Jews were killed by Antony."
  17. We have this record of the death of Antigonus preserved by Josephus (Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c.1.) from the books of Strabo, the Cappadocian: "Antony brought Antigonus, the Jew, to Antioch and had him beheaded. He was supposed to be the first among the Romans that put a king to death after this manner because he thought that the Jews could not tolerate Herod for their king if Antigonus was alive. No matter how Herod oppressed them, they would not recognise him as king because they held Antigonus in such high esteem. Therefore, it was thought fit to blot out his memory by some ignominious death and lessen the public hatred against Herod."
  18. Plutarch wrote: (Plutarch, in Antony) "He bestowed tetrarchies of great countries on many private men and took away kingdoms from many such as from Antigonus the Jew, whom he brought forth and beheaded. No king was ever killed in this way before."
  19. Dio also mentioned this history (Dio, l.59. p. 405.) when writing about Sosius: "He conquered Antigonus who had killed a garrison of the Romans which was with him. Sosius was defeated in battle at Jerusalem and forced to flee. The Jews, [a country of unplacable anger, if it be once stirred] did many wrongs to the Romans but suffered much more themselves. They were taken first by them who fought for the temple of their God and then rested on a Saturday. They observed on that day a festival with so much religion that those that were formerly taken with the temple, as soon as that day was come, they begged permission of Sosius to go and sacrifice in the temple as was their custom. Over these people, Antony made Herod king. Antony killed Antigonus after he had scourged him and tied him to a post, [which was never done to any king before by the Romans.]"
  20. That is, to be beheaded at a post. Concerning this see First Excercitation of Causabon on Baronius, c.7. This event happened when: "Claudius and Norbanus were consuls."
  21. as Dio implied. It is true concerning Antigonus' defeat and of the taking of Jerusalem but not concerning the death of Antigonus. He died when M. Agrippa and Caninius or Canidius Gallus were consuls the next year.
  22. Nothing of note was done by the Romans this year in Syria for Antony spent the whole year in going into and returning from Italy. Sosius, for fear of the envy and anger of Antony passed that time and did no gallant actions lest he offend Antony. He hoped to curry Antony's favour by doing nothing. (Dio, l.49., p. 405,406.) When Antony returned from Italy, he replaced him with Plancus as governor of Syria. He appointed C. Furnius, as his lieutenant in Asia. (Appian, l.5. p. 749,753.; Dio, l.48. p. 371,372. l.49. p. 402,403.)
3968 AM, 4677 JP, 37 BC
  1. After Orodes, the king of the Parthians, had long mourned for his son, he had more problems. He had to select a successor from his 30 sons to replace Pacorus. Many of his concubines who bare him many sons, pestered the old man to make their son the new king. Finally, he selected the oldest, who was the worst of them all and made him king. (Justin, l.42. c.4.; Dio, l.49. p. 406.) This was Phraates the 3rd called by Plutarch (Plutarch, in Antony) Phraortes. Although he is called Phraates by the compiler of Appian's Parthian stories, which he transcribed word for word from Plutarch and by Plutarch himself in the end of his book. (Plutarch, in Crassus) Likewise Horace (Horace, Ode. 2. l.2.) speaks of this time: "Phraates restored to Cyrus' throne."
  2. He received the kingdom by treachery and killed his brothers, who were born of the daughter of Antiochus. He did this because they excelled him in all virtue and in blood by the mother's side. He also killed Orodes because he was angry by this. (Dio, l.49. p. 404.) He poisoned him as he lay sick with the dropsy. Orodes was beginning to recover and Phraates stopped the slow poisoning and took a shorter route by strangling him. (Plutarch, in Crassus, fin.)
  3. After Phraates had killed his father, he killed all his brothers. When he saw that the nobility hated him for his wicked acts, he ordered that his son, who was now full grown, to be killed so that there would be no one else to make king. (Justin, l.42., c.5.)
  4. After this Phraates went about to kill the nobility and did many wicked things. Many of the chief men fled from him. They went where they could and some, like Moneses, who was a powerful noble man, fled to Antony. (Plutarch, in Antony; Dio, l.49. p. 406.) This happened when Agrippa and Gallus were consuls. (Dio, l.49. p. 406.)
  5. The rest of the winter, when Gellius and Nerva were consuls, P. Canidius Crassus was left as lieutenant by Antony. Around the region of Armenia, he led his army against the Iberians. He defeated their King Pharnabazus in battle and compelled him to join forces with him. He went into Albania with him and he likewise allied that country to him along with their king, Zoberes. (Dio, l.49. p. 406.) He went as far as Caucasus Mountains with the conquered Armenians and the kings of the Iberians and Albanians. He made Antony's name famous among the barbarous countries. (Plutarch, in Antony; Strabo, l.11. p. 501.)
  6. Antony was puffed up with these successes and trusted very much on Moneses and committed the carrying on of the Parthian war to him. Antony promised him the kingdom of the Parthians and granted him the revenues of their cities that were subject to the Romans. He would receive this as long as the war lasted. (Dio, l.49. p. 406.) Antony compared the fortune of Moneses with Themistocles and equally his own riches and magnificence to the kings of Persia. He gave him three cities, Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, called formerly Bambyca. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  7. Phraates, the king of the Parthians, courteously entertained the captive king Hyrcanus because of his noble descent. He took him from prison and allowed him to live in Babylon where many Jews lived. These Jews honoured him as the king and high priest. Also all those Jews who were in old time deported beyond the Euphrates River by the Assyrians [or Babylonians] of whom there were many millions, honoured Hyrcanus. After he knew that Herod was made king, he began to hope for a favour from Herod whom he had saved when Herod was on trial for his life. Therefore he began to consult with the Jews, who from duty came to visit him concerning his journey. In spite of all their wise admonitions, he could not be persuaded from his desire of returning to his own country. The tetrarchy of Herod was added to his former country. Herod wanted to get his hands on Hyrcanus and wrote to him that he would beg of Phraates and the Jews of that land for this. Herod said that the Jews should not envy the joint power that he should enjoy with his son-in-law. Now the time was come, when Herod might repay him that had preserved him in the past. Herod also sent Saramala, his ambassador, to Phraates himself with large presents to soften him up so that Phraates would not prevent Herod from showing kindness to Hyrcanus. Herod had received Hyrcanus, who was sent by the Parthians, and honourably outfitted by the Jews for his expenses of his journey. Herod entertained him with all honour and gave him the upper seat in all assemblies and the most honourable place at all feasts. He called him father, and thus he lulled him on lest he should suspect any treachery. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.2,3.)
  8. Herod took care that none of the nobility should be created high priest. He sent to Babylon for a priest of lowly parentage, whom he was well acquainted with. He was of the family of the priests but descended from those Jews who were carried beyond the Euphrates River. This man's name was Ananelus [or Hananeel] and Herod gave him the high priesthood. (Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c.2,3.)
  9. Mark Antony refused all honest and wholesome counsel and sent Fonteius Capito to Cleopatra to bring her into Syria. (Plutarch, in Antony) She no sooner arrived when she thought how she might get it into her possession. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.4.) She accused the Syrian noble men to Antony and persuaded him to put them to death so that she might more easily take over their estates. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13.)
  10. She accused Pausanias, the son of Ptolomaeus [Mennaeus] the king of Chalcis and Ituraea as favouring the Parthians and had Antony execute him. (Josephus, Antiq., l.14. c.4.; Dio, l. 49. p. 411.) [In Dio, Parthian should be read for Pacorus] This was fifteen years after the death of his father Auletes. This is derived from Porphyrius, (Scaliger, Greek Eusebian., p. 226.) where the name of Lysimachus is incorrectly written for Lysanias.
  11. Antony made Amyntas, the secretary of Dejotarus, the prince of Galatia and added to it part of Lycaonia and Pamphylia. (Dio, l.49. p. 411.; Strabo, l.12. p. 567.)
  12. Antony also made Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who was not descended from royalty. He deposed Ariarathes who descended from those Archelai who had waged war against the Romans and his mother was the harlot Glaphyra. (Dio, l.49. p. 411.) From that lascivious epigram of Caesar Octavian, (Martian, l.11. epigra. 21.) it appears that Antony was involved with Glaphyra.
  13. Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, the wife of Alexander the son of Aristobulus and mother-in-law of Herod, took it poorly that her son Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamme was condemned because during his lifetime one from another place, usurped the high priesthood. She wrote to Cleopatra through a certain musician and asked her to request the priesthood from Antony for her son. Cleopatra failed to do this. Dellius, a friend of Antony, who travelled into Judea on some occasions, persuaded Alexandra to send the pictures of her son Aristobulus and daughter Mariamme to Antony. He said that once Antony saw them, he would not deny them anything. These were sent. Dellius also added that they seemed to be of divine rather than of the human race. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.2.) Dellius was the historian who Plutarch mentioned and whose wanton letters to Cleopatra were common as attested to by Seneca who has related this in his first Swason Oration. Dio also implies the same and whom Antony used dishonestly. (Dio, l.49. p. 15.)
  14. Antony did not think it proper to send for a lady who was married to Herod and wanted to avoid making Cleopatra jealous. He wrote to Alexandra that she should send her son to him under some honest pretence but he added she should not do it if this would be burdensome to her. When Herod found out about this, he did not think it safe that Aristobulus, a young man of sixteen years in the flower of his age, should be sent to Antony. He was the most powerful of all the Romans and also very much given to lust. Therefore he wrote back, that if the youth left the kingdom, the whole country would be up in arms. The Jews wanted to revolt and have a new king. Antony was satisfied with Herod's reply. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.2.)
  15. In the Sicilian war, Caesar Octavian and M. Lepidus defeated Sextus Pompeius. M. Lepidus became proud about the ability of his 20 legions and attributed the whole victory to himself. He was so bold as to oppose Caesar and to claim Sicily for himself. However, his army abandoned him and he was put out of the triumvirate. He was glad to beg for his life and goods from Caesar by whom he banished to Circeli. (Livy, l.129.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.79, (80).; Suetonius, in Octavian,. c.16, & 54.; Appian, l.5.; Dio, l.49.; Orosius, l.6. c.18.)
  16. Sextus Pompeius who had a fleet of 350 ships, now fled into Asia with only six or seven. (Florus, l.4. c.8.) Although Appian stated (Appian, l.5. p. 741.) and Orosius, (Orosius, l.6. c. 18.) wrote that he had seventeen ships. He intended to flee to Antony because he had saved his mother from a similar danger. (Appian, l.5. p 741)
  17. He put his daughter, his friends, his money and all his best things into the ships that were left which were fastest. Pompeius sailed by night and no one pursued him because he left secretly and Caesar was continually engaged with troubles from Lepidus. (Dio, l.49. p. 398.) In spite of this, after Pompeius had left Messana, he feared being followed and suspected the treachery of his companions. When he had told them that he would set sail for the main sea, he put out the light that the admiral's ships usually carry and sailed by the coast of Italy. (Dio, l.49. p. 402.) When he arrived at the cape of Lacinium, he robbed the temple of Juno of all its offerings. (Appian, l.5. p. 747.)
  18. From there he sailed to Corcyra and into Cephalenia. He received others who were cast in there by a storm. After he had called them together, he took off his soldier's attire and told them that it would happen that if they all stayed together, they would not be able to be of sufficient help to each other nor could they remain hidden. If they dispersed, they might more easily flee. Therefore he advised everyone to shift for himself. Most followed his advise and went their various ways. He along with some who stayed with him, went to Lesbos and (Dio, l.49. p. (402).) stayed at Mitylene. His father had left him here before the Pharsalian battle and after the defeat he picked him up again. (Appian, l.5. p. 747.)
  19. The Parthians were troubled because of the defection of Moneses to Antony and Phraates was quite worried. He sent messengers to Moneses to ask for peace and persuaded him with large promises to return again. When this was known, Antony was angry. However, he did not kill Moneses whom as yet he had in his power. He thought if he did that none of the barbarians would ever trust him. He used politics against the enemy. He dismissed Moneses as if by his means he would make peace with the Parthians. He sent ambassadors with him to Phraates who were to make peace if the king would restore the ensigns and captives that were alive which the Parthians had taken in the defeat of Crassus. He thought he would catch the king unprepared for war by giving him reasons of hope of peace. (Plutarch, in Antony; Dio, l.49. p. 406.)
  20. In the meantime, Antony prepared for war. He came to the Euphrates River which he supposed was unguarded. When he found a strong garrison there, he changed his plan and intended soon to go into Armenia to make war with Artavasdes, king of the Greater Armenia, against the king of the Medes who was the other enemy of the Romans. (Dio, l.49. p. 407.)
  21. Artavasdes, the king of the Armenians, is called by Josephus, Artabazes the son of Tigranes. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13. Antiq. l.15. c.5.) Orosius calls him, Artabanes (Orosius, l.16. c.19.) whom when Antony had taken him to be his counsellor, guide and chief for the management of the war, he then betrayed Antony and later created problems for the Romans. (Strabo, l.11. p. 524. & l.16. p. 748.)
  22. Antony sent Cleopatra back into Egypt and he went through Arabia into Armenia. He had ordered that his own forces and the auxiliaries of the kings to meet him there. Among these were many friends and allies including Artavasdes or Artabazes, the king of Armenia with 6000 cavalry and 7000 foot solders. When the soldiers were mustered, the Romans and the allies of Italy had 60,000 foot soldiers and the ordinary cavalry of the Spaniards and Gauls 10,000. The auxiliaries from other countries numbered 30,000 cavalry and the light-harnessed soldiers. This is according to Plutarch. However, Velleius Paterculus said Antony had 13 legions. (Velleius, l. 2. c.82.) Florus stated 16 (Florus, l.4, c.10.) Justin (Justin, l.42. c.5.) and Livy (Livy, l.130) 18 legions and 16,000 cavalry.
  23. The guide of his army made the journey from Zeugma to the Euphrates River almost to Atrapatena [which the Araxes River divides from Armenia.] This was 1000 miles and almost twice as far as the correct way. The guide led them over mountains and byways. (Strabo, l.11. p. 524.) Antony should have refreshed his army in the winter quarters of Armenia who were weary from the 1000 mile trek. Since spring was coming he should have invaded Media before the Parthians left their winter quarters. He could not tolerate any delay because he wanted to be back with Cleopatra. He thought more of returning quickly than of gaining a victory. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  24. Therefore when he knew that the king of Media was gone far from his country to bring help to the Parthians, he quickly marched with the best part of his cavalry and foot soldiers. He left part of his army and baggage with Oppius Stapianus. He ordered them to follow him and hoped that on the first attack, he should conquer Media. (Dio, l.49. p. 407.)
  25. Among the things left behind, were the battering engines which were carried in 300 carts. Among these was a ram 80 feet long. If any of the machines were damaged, they could not be repaired because of the scarcity of materials in those countries. The trees were too short and not strong enough. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  26. After Antony had crossed the Araxes River, he had problems and hardships on all sides. (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) As soon as he came into Artapatena, he harassed that country, then he besieged the large city of Phraata. In it lived the wife of the king of the Medes with her children. When Antony realised his error in leaving his engines behind, he was forced to raise a mount near the city. This took a long time and was much work. (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) This was the royal city of the Medes and was called by Dio, Praaspa and by Strabo, Vera, [unless I am mistaken in his (Strabo, l.11. p. 523.)] from Adelphius, [if it is not Dellius the historian] who was with Antony in this expedition. He wrote about this and commanded part of the army. He said this city was 300 miles from the Araxes River.
  27. The Parthians and Medes knew that Antony wasted his time in attacking that city because it was so well fortified with walls and men. They suddenly attacked Statianus as he was tired from his journey and killed both him and all that were with him. Plutarch reckons they killed murious or 10,000 men. Velleius Paterculus said two legions were killed and they took all the baggage and engines of war. Polemo, the king of Pontus and an ally of the war was captured and let go when he paid a ransom. This was an easy victory for the barbarians to do because the king of Armenia was not at the battle who might have helped the Romans. He did not come but left Antony for his own kingdom. (Dio, l.49. p. 407.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.82.; Plutarch, in Antony)
  28. Although Antony hurried to help Statianus when he heard the first news, he came too late for he found nothing but dead men. He was terrified with this defeat. However, none of the barbarians opposed him and he thought that they left from fear of him and was encouraged. Soon after this, they fought and Antony routed them. His slingers, whom he had large numbers of, put them to flight. The slingers' arrows went farther than the enemies' arrows so the heavily armed cavalry were not safe from them. However, not many barbarians were killed because of the swiftness of their cavalry troops. (Dio, l.49. p. 407.)
  29. Antony resumed the assault of Praaspa. He did little damage to the enemy and the garrison inside the city, strongly repelled their attacks. The enemy that was outside the city hindered them with hand to hand combat. (Dio, l.49. p. 407.) The Parthians who came to help the besieged, threatened the Romans most contemptuously. Antony was unwilling that his soldiers should loose any of their animosity. He took with him ten legions and three praetorian cohorts, and all his cavalry. They went foraging and hoped by this means that the enemy would attack him and so he could fight them. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  30. When he had gone a day's journey, he saw the Parthians, wheeling about him to hinder his return. He ordered the signal for battle to be sounded. However, he packed up his tents as though he prepared not to fight but for his march. Thus he marched by the barbarians who were drawn up in an half moon. He ordered his cavalry that as soon as they were come together that the legions should attack the enemy and they should begin the charge. The Parthians were perplexed at the well ordered army of the Romans. They saw the soldiers passing by, keeping their ranks and shaking their arrows at them but not speaking a word. After the signal and a great shout was made, the cavalry began the attack. They resisted a little. Although immediately the Romans were so close to them, they were unable to use their arrows. Soon, the legions joined the battle with great shouting and the clattering of the armour. The Parthian cavalry were frightened and the Parthians fled before they came to hand to hand combat. Antony hoped that now he should overcome them or at least finish the greatest part of the war. He followed the chase very hard. After his foot soldiers had pursued them about six miles and his cavalry three times that distance, he counted the number of the slain and the prisoners. They found they had taken 30 and killed only 80. This greatly discouraged them for they thought it was very hard if being conquerors they should kill so few and if conquered they should lose so many as they had done when the baggage was taken. The next day as they were returning to their camp, they met at first a few of their enemies. More came and finally all of them, as if they had not been formerly routed but were all fresh men. They reviled them and broke in upon them on every side so that they were barely able to return to their camp again. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  31. In Antony's absence, the Medes who were at Praaspa, attacked the mount and terrified the defenders of it. Antony was so enraged that he decimated them who had forsaken the place and gave the rest of them barley instead of wheat. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  32. In the beginning, the foragers who were sent out by Antony brought enough provisions for the Romans. Later they had consumed all the near by supplies so that the soldiers themselves were forced to go foraging. It happened that if only a few were sent that they brought back nothing and often the foragers were killed. If many left then Praaspa was short of besiegers and the sallies of the barbarians killed many of the Romans and many engines were destroyed. From this it happened that Antony's men who were besieging the city, ran as short of supplies as those inside the city. The townsmen looked for good times for sallies as well as the enemy on the outside. By their sudden incursions and quick retreats, they seriously troubled those who remained in the camp as often as they divided their forces. The foragers who went to the villages were never molested but they attacked them unexpectedly as they were scattered on their return to the camp. (Dio, l.49. p. 408.)
3969 AM, 4678 JP, 36 BC
  1. Sextus Pompeius heard that Antony was in Media and made war with the Medes and Parthians. He intended to commit himself to his protection when he returned. In the mean time, he wintered in Lesbos and the people of Lesbos most willingly entertained him for the good memory they had of his father. (Dio, l.49. p. 402.; Appian. l.5. p. 747.)
  2. As Antony prolonged the siege of Praaspa, the war was very troublesome to both sides. Antony could not get any supplies without having his men killed or wounded. Phraates knew that the Parthians would endure anything except winter in the camp in a strange country. Therefore he was afraid that if the Romans continued the war, his men would leave him since the weather grew very cold after the autumnal equinox. (Plutarch, in Antony) He was also afraid that if the siege were continued Antony either by himself or else with outside help, would seriously weaken the city. Therefore, he secretly bribed some men that should promote the idea of a peace between them in the hope that it would be easily granted. (Dio, l.49. p. 408.)
  3. Therefore, the Parthian commanded his men that when they met with the foragers, to treat them more courteously and to talk to them about peace. By this, Antony was persuaded to send a friend to request the restitution of his ensigns and prisoners lest he should seem to be content only to depart with safety. They replied that he should forget about those things. If he desired peace and security, he should leave suddenly. [Plutarch.] Phraates was sitting on his golden throne and twanging a bow string. After that he had in many words railed against the Romans, he promised Antony's ambassadors peace on this condition if he should immediately withdraw his army. (Dio, l.49. p. 408.)
  4. Antony received this reply. Although he was very eloquent in both civiland military speeches, yet at that time from shame and sorrow, he did not speak to his soldiers. He had Domitius Aenobarbus speak for him to the soldiers and to encourage them. Within a few days after they had packed the baggage, he departed [Plutarch.] and left his works that he had raised for the assault of Praaspa intact as if he had been in a friend's country. The Medes burnt everything and cast down the mount. (Dio, l.49. p. 408.)
  5. They were to return by the same plain country where there were no forests. A certain Mardian who knew the customs of the Parthians and had fought well for the Romans at the battle where the engines were taken, persuaded Antony that he should march with his army by the mountains on the right hand. He should not hazard the plain and open fields. The Romans were heavily armed and good targets for the number of Parthian cavalry who were all archers. The Parthians used this occasion by good words to draw him from the siege so that he would show Antony a shorter way with more plentiful supplies for his soldiers. Antony told these things to his council and confessed that he trusted little in the peace with the Parthians. However he commended the shorter way, especially since the journey would be through a plentiful country. He asked for some assurance of the Mardian who surrendered himself to be bound until he had brought the army into Armenia. After he was bound, he led them without problems for two days. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  6. On the third day, Antony thought little of the Parthians and marched securely in confidence of the peace. The Mardian saw the dam of the river was recently broken and that all the way they were to go was flooded. He knew that this was done by the Parthians to force the Roman army to halt. He warned Antony of this and told him to prepare for the arrival of the enemy. Antony ordered his battle and set distances between the ranks. With this, those that used arrows and slings might make an attack on the enemies when the Parthians opened their ranks to surround and disorder the army. When the light horsemen attacked them, they were beaten back after the giving and receiving of many wounds. They came on again until the calvary from Gaul who were held in reserve, gave them a fierce charge and routed them so that they attempted nothing more that day. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  7. Antony learned from this what was to be done. He made his army march in a square body and had a strong guard of archers and slingers in the rear and in the flanks. He ordered his calvary that if the enemy attacked them, they should drive them back. If they fled, they should not follow the chase too far. For four days, the Parthans received as many casualties as they made. They began to ease off and thought of returning since it was winter. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  8. On the fifth day, Flavius Gallus, one of the captains, a valiant and industrious man, asked Antony that he would give him permission to take some lightly armed men from the rear and some cavalry from the front. He planned to do some gallant act. By his rash attempt, he broke in on the enemy with much risk. The Romans sent him help in small companies. They were too weak and were cut off by the enemy until Antony came with the whole strength of the army and rescued the rest from obvious danger. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  9. Florus stated (Florus, l.4. c.10.) that there were two legions lost to the Parthian arrows. Plutarch stated at least 3000 were killed and that there were 5000 wounded men brought back into the tents. Gallus was shot in four places and later died from his wounds. Antony was very much troubled to see this and went and comforted them that were wounded. They cheerfully took him by the right hand and desired him that he would take care of himself and trouble himself no more for them. They called him their emperor and told him that if he were well then they were all safe and in health. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  10. This victory made the Parthians so proud who were before weary and in despair, that they lodged all night near the Roman camp. They hoped that they would soon be able to plunder all their money and ransack their tents. (Plutarch, in Antony) On that night, a certain Roman whose life was spared in Crassus' defeat, came in Parthian clothes to the Roman trenches and greeted them in Latin. After they trusted him, he informed them what danger was at hand and that the king would come with all his forces. He advised them that they should not march that way they intended but that they should go back again and take the way by the woods and the mountains. He told them that they might meet with the enemy that way also. (Florus, l.4. c.10.; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.82.)
  11. As soon as it was day, many enemies came together with at least 4000 cavalry. The king also sent there his bodyguard because they were so confident of victory. The king was never at any previous fight. Then Antony lifted up his hands to heaven and made his prayers to the gods that if there were any god offended with his former good fortune that he would lay all the adversity on his own head but give health and victory to the rest of the army. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  12. The next day the army marched on in a more secure guard. The Parthians attacked them and were very much deceived in their expectations. They thought that they came to pillage and plunder and not to fight. They lost heart when they were greeted by the Roman arrows. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  13. As they were going down a certain hill, the Parthians laid in ambush for them and overwhelmed them with their arrows as thick as hail. Then the soldiers who carried large shields, took in the lightly harnessed men under their shields. They kneeled down on their left knee and held their shields over their heads and made a roof over them, [a testudo.] By this, they defended themselves and their friends from the enemies' arrows which fell on the convex shields and slid off the slippery surfaces. (Florus, l.4. c.10.; Frontino, Stratagem, l.2. c.3.; Dio, l. 49. p. 409.)
  14. The Parthians had never seen such a thing before and thought that they had all fallen down by reason of their wounds or that they would soon all fall. Therefore they cast away their bows and leaped off their horses and took their spears and came to kill them with their naked swords. Then the Romans rose up again and at the signal, widened their army and made a shout. They attacked their enemies in the front and with their darts they slew the foremost of them and made them all flee. This thing struck such amazement in the barbarians that one among them said: "Go Romans and farewell, fame with good reason calls you the conquerors of nations, who can outstand the Parthian's shot." (Florus, l.4. c.10.; Plutarch, in Antony; Dio, l.49. p. 409)
  15. There were continual skirmishes between them which slowed the Roman march down greatly. (Plutarch, in Antony) When they marched by break of day, they were always bothered with the Parthian arrows. Thereupon, Antony deferred his march until the fifth hour and so made his own soldiers more confident. The Persians left them and they marched without any trouble for that day. (Frontinus, Stratagem, l.2. c.ult.)
  16. The army then began to be troubled with food shortages because they were hindered from foraging by their often skirmishes. They also lacked grinding mills which were mainly left behind. The beasts were either dead or else used to carry the sick and wounded men. It was reported that little more than a quart of wheat was sold for fifty drachmas and barley loaves for their weight in silver. Then they were forced to eat roots and herbs. By chance they found one that when eaten, made them mad. Those that ate it only dug up stones and removed them and thought they were doing some great business. At last they vomited up a great deal of choler and died because they lacked wine, which was the only remedy. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  17. The famine raged in the camp and they began to flee to the enemy. However, the Parthians slew these runaways in the sight of the rest. All had planned to defect but the cruelty of the Parthians stopped the revolt. (Dio, l.5. p. 409.)
  18. Antony saw so many of his own soldiers dying and the Parthians continually attacking them. It is reported he often cried out w mieioi wondering at those 10,000 men who under the conduct of Xenophon marched a far longer march from Babylon and often fought with their enemies and yet came home safely. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  19. The Parthians could neither break the spirit of the Romans nor their ranks but were often defeated themselves and repulsed. They began again to talk peaceably with those who went to fetch water and forage. They showed them their unbent bows and told them that they were departing and that they would follow them no more. However, they might have some Medes follow them a day or two but that they would not do them any great harm and only secure some of the remoter villages. They won them over with this talk and they gently took their leave of them. The Romans were very joyful and when Antony desired rather to march by the plain than the mountains because it was said that way lacked water. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  20. While he was in this mind, Mithridates came to him from the enemy camp. He was a cousin of Moneses to whom Antony had given the three cities. Antony asked that some might be sent to him who understood the Syriac or Parthian language. When Alexander, from Antioch and a good friend of Antigonus came, he was told by Mithridates that the Parthians with all their forces lay in ambush in those mountains which he saw. They were waiting to attack them as they passed by the plains. He advised them to travel through the mountains which had no other inconvenience than lack of water for one day. Antony took his advice and the Mardian guided them by night through the mountains. He ordered his soldiers to carry water with them which many did in their helmets and leather bags. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  21. The Parthians found out about this and contrary to their custom, pursued them by night. At sunrise, they overtook the rear guard of the Romans who were tired with the hard march and watching. That night, they had gone 30 miles and did not think the enemy would attack them so soon. This made them more dejected and their thirst also was increased by their fighting. They were forced to march while fighting. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  22. In the interim, the advance guard found a cool, clear river but it was salty. The water from it just increased the thirst of those who drank it. Although the Mardian forewarned them of this, yet they thrust away those who would have kept them from drinking of it and drank freely from it. Antony also was very urgent with them and begged them to stop. Only a short way off there was one that they might drink from and that the rest of the way was so rough and uneven that the enemy could not possibly follow them. He sounded a retreat also so that at least the soldiers might refresh themselves in the shade. (Plutarch, in Antony; Florus, l.4. c.10.)
  23. As soon as the tents were pitched, the Parthians according to their custom departed and Mithridates returned. Alexander came to him. He told Alexander that after they had refreshed themselves for a while they should all arise and hurry over the river. The Parthians would not pursue them beyond that point. For this, Antony gave him a large store of gold plate. He took as much as he could hide in his clothes and departed. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  24. They were not bothered on the next day's journey. The following night they became their own worst enemies. Those who had any gold or silver were killed and robbed. The pack animals [sumpters] which carried the treasure were plundered. Finally, all the household belongings of Antony, like his plate and precious tables, they broke and divided among themselves. Therefore because of this tumult and uproar in the army, they thought that the enemy had attacked the sumpters to rob them. Antony called a free man and ordered him to kill him and to cut off his head so that neither he may not be taken alive by the enemy nor known when he was dead. (Plutarch, in Antony; Florus, l.4. c.10.; Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.)
  25. As his friends were weeping about him, the Mardian encouraged Antony for he knew there was a river nearby. Others told Antony that this tumult arose from their own covetousness and doing wrong one to the other. Therefore Antony gave the signal to make camp in order to quell these tumults and disturbances in the army. It began to grow light and the army fell into good order again. When as the rearguard was hit by enemy arrows, the light cavalry were signalled to fight. The men who carried the large shields came together as they did before and defended them from the Parthian arrows. The Parthians did not dare come too close. As they marched a little distance the river was seen by the advance guard. Antony interposed his cavalry between the enemy and the army. He made all the sick men to cross over first. The men that fought were now braver and strengthened. As soon as the Parthians saw the river, they unbent their bows and bid them in god's name and highly commended their valour. So they crossed leisurely over the river and were glad they did not trust the promises of the Parthians. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  26. After Caesar Octavian had settled his affairs in Sicily, on November 13th [ides] he entered Rome from Sicily and made a speech. This is shown in the marble triumphal records. (Gruter, Inscript., p. 297.; Suetonis, in Octavian, c.22.; Dio, l.49. p. 400.; Orosius, l.6. c.18.) He had a gold statue erected for him in the rostrum which showed his image with this inscription: "For peace restored after continual wars both by sea and land." (Appian, l.5. p. 746.)
  27. He was 28 years old, after which manner those words of Appian are to be taken. gu Caioar itan is tste dktai kn eikqsi.
  28. He received also the tribunal power for ever by a decree of the senate who invited him by this honour to lay down the triumvirate. Concerning this, he wrote privately to Antony by Bibulus. (Appian, l.5. p. 747.; Orosius, l.6. c.18.)
  29. Antony's men came to the Araxes River on the sixth day after the battle. It divides Media [Atropatena] from Armenia. The crossing was very difficult because of the depth and swiftness of the river. There was a report that the enemy lay in ambush to attack them in their crossing. After they were safely crossed over and entered Armenia, it was as if they had recently landed from sea. They kissed the earth and embraced one another with tears of joy. When they marched through a fruitful country, they so gorged themselves with food after so long a famine that many began to be sick with dropsies and fluxes. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  30. Antony numbered his army and found that he had lost 20,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. Half of these died of diseases and not from fighting against the enemy. (Plutarch, in Antony) In the whole army, at least a quarter of the men were dead or missing. The grooms and slaves lost about a third of there staff. Hardly anything remained of the baggage. However, Antony called this flight his victory because he was still alive. (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.82.)
  31. In 21 days, he had fled 300 miles. (Livy, l.130.) The march continued for 27 days all together from Phraata [or Phraaspa]. In that time the Parthians were repelled in battle 18 times. The 16,000 cavalry, who were armed after the Parthian custom and were used to fighting with the Parthians did not help the Romans. Artavasdes had brought them from Armenia. The Parthians could not so often rally after their battle since they were so often beaten by the Romans if the Romans had the Arminian cavalry to pursue the Parthians. Therefore all men egged on Antony to punish the Armenians. He did not do this neither did he upbraid him with his treachery but used him with the same honour and courtesy that he had always done. He did this because he knew the army was weak and lacked provisions. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  32. Now that Antony was no longer more troubled with enemies, he hurried to Cleopatra and was unwilling to winter in Armenia. He took a quick journey in cold winter weather and continual snows. He hurried his soldiers on and he lost 8000 men by extremities of the weather. (Livy, l.130.; Plutarch, in Antony) As they crossed over the mountains of Armenia which were covered with snow, the many wounds they had received, greatly bothered them. Therefore many died or became unfit for service. Antony could not endure to hear of these things and forbid that anyone should speak to him about it. Although Antony was angry with the king of Armenia and wished for revenge because the king had deserted him, he tried to endear the king to him so that he might get provisions from him. Finally, the soldiers could not endure this journey in winter any longer. Antony persuaded the king by flatteries and promises that if he would let his army winter in his country, he planned the next spring to have his army attack the Parthians again. (Dio, l.49. p. 410.)
  33. Finally, Antony came to Syria with barely a third of the original sixteen legions. He returned to Antioch. (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) Here he foolishly began to brag as if he had gotten the victory because he had gotten away. (Florus, l.4. c.10.)
  34. He came down to the sea side with a few of his company and stayed in a citadel between Berytus and Sidon, called Leucocome. He awaited Cleopatra's arrival for whose absence he pined away. To pass the time, he started feasting and drinking excessively. During this time, he would arise and run to see if she were coming until at last she finally came. (Plutarch, in Antony)
  35. Cleopatra brought for the soldiers a great amount of money and apparel. Some reported that Antony took the apparel which she had brought and gave it to the soldiers. He gave the money to the soldiers that she had given him. (Plutarch, in Antony) Concerning this matter Dio wrote this. The money which was brought to him by Cleopatra he gave to the soldiers. He divided to every soldier of the legions, 35 drachmas [or denarii] and to others proportionably. When that money ran out, he made up the rest from his own treasure and gave satisfaction for what he had received from Cleopatra. He also received much money from his friends and exacted much from his allies. When he had done this, he went into Egypt. (Dio, l.49. p. 410.)
  36. Herod was continually pestered with the nagging of his wife Mariamme. She wanted him to restore the high priesthood to her brother Aristobulus according to his due. Therefore he called a council of his friends, he bitterly complained against his mother-in-law Alexandra, as if she had secretly done treason against his kingdom and had endeavoured, by Cleopatra's means, to make her son the new king. However, lest he should seem to be disrespectful to her and the rest of the family, he said that he would now restore the priesthood to her son. Ananelus had before this been preferred because Aristobulus was so young. Alexandra was almost beside herself for joy and grieved that she was suspected of treason. She wept and cleared herself of these accusations. She thanked Herod many times for her son's honour and promised that after this she would be most obedient to the king. Thus Herod gave the priesthood to Aristobulus in the lifetime of Ananelus. He was only seventeen years old. (Josephus, l.15. c.2,3.)
  37. Sextus Pompeius learned of Antony's illfortune in Media. Caius Furnius, who at that time was governor of Asia, was not friendly toward Sextus, so he did not stay in Lesbos. He started to hope that he should either succeed Antony [if he died] in all his power or at least should receive some part of it. He was especially encouraged since from Sicily and from other places, many came to him. Some came from the reputation his father had and others came because they did not know where else to live. So that he took the trappings of the general and prepared to capture Asia. He always remembered the recent example of Labienus who had quickly overrun it. (Appian, l.5. p. 747.; Dio, l.49. p. 402.)
  38. When Antony came into the country of his friends, he knew what Pompeius had done. He promised that if he would lay down his arms he would pardon him and make him his friend. Pompeius promised he would and so wrote him back. He condemned Antony for the disastrous defeat he had received and that he was so soon gone into Egypt. Pompeius carried on his plans. (Dio, l.49. p. 402.) Not wishing to burn his bridges, he sent messengers to Antony and offered to be his friend and ally. The real purpose was to spy on Antony. In the meantime, he sent ambassadors to the governors of Thracia and Pontus. He thought that if he failed to take Asia, he could flee through Pontus into Armenia. He sent ambassadors also to the Parthians and hoped that they would willingly use him for their captain in the war that was not yet ended against Antony. Pompeius was a Roman and also the son of Pompey the Great. He also provided for ships and exercised the mariners. He let on that he was afraid of Caesar and that this preparation was for the service of Antony. (Appian, l.5. p. 747)
  39. As soon as Antony heard what Pompeius was up to, he kept on his journey but sent Marcus Tiotius, who formerly had revolted from Sextus Pompeius to him, as general against him. He had received a fleet and army from Syria. He was to use all his power to resist Pompeius if he made any war. If Pompeius would submit himself, he should receive him with all honour. (Appian, l.5. p. 747; Dio, l.49. p. 402.)
  40. Pompeius' ambassadors who were sent to the Parthians, were captured by Antony's captains and brought to Alexandria. When Antony had learned all these things from these ambassadors, he called the other ambassadors who were sent to him and brought them face to face. They excused Pompeius as being a young man in a desperate situation and feared he should not be accepted by Antony and was forced to try the good will even of counties that were the greatest enemies of the Romans. If he had known Antony's mind, there had been no need of all the solicitations and craft. This he believed, since he was not a malicious man but well meaning and generous. (Appian, l.5. p. 749.)
  41. When Octavia was at Rome, she intended to sail to Antony, and Caesar agreed. The reason was not as most have written from any respect to Antony but that he might have an honest pretence for war against him if he slighted or harmed her. (Plutarch, in Antony) She went to Athens and wintered there. (Appian, l.5. p. 750.)
  42. At this time war broke out between the king of the Medes [Artarasdes] against Phraates, the king of the Parthians and Artabazes or Artaraseds king of the Armenians. Artarasdes was angry with the Armenians because by their means, the Romans were brought in upon him and with the Parthians because he neither received any great amount of the spoils of the Romans nor any honour at all. Artarasdes was afraid also that he would take away his kingdom from him. He sent Polemo, the king of Pontus, as an ambassador to Antony and desired his friendship and alliance. He wanted Antony to come to him and promised him the help of all his forces. Antony was pleased for the only thing which seemed to prevent the overthrowing of the Parthians, was his lack of cavalry and archers. He thought now he should have and do more good in the receiving them than the king did to him in giving them. Thereupon, Antony had great expectation and he departed again to go through Armenia. He called the king of the Medes to the river Araxes and then started the war with Parthia. (Plutarch, in Antony; Dio, l.49. p. (411).)
  43. Antony wrote to Octavia who was now at Athens and told her to stay there and informed her of an expedition that he was about to take. She took this badly and thought this was just an excuse. However, she wrote to him to know what he would have her do with those things sent that she brought for him. She had brought much apparel for the soldiers, many cavalry, much money and presents for his captains and friends. In addition she had 2000 choice men all armed like the praetorian cohorts. Niger, a friend of Antony, was sent by Octavia to tell Antony this. He added the deserved commendations for Octavia. Antony accepted both her own and others gifts and also the soldiers that she had begged from her brother for this purpose. (Plutarch, in Antony; Dio, l.49. p. 411.)
  44. Cleopatra, feared lest Octavia should draw Antony from her and seemed to languish for the love of him. She made her body so weak by her feminine tricks as though she could not live if she were deprived of him. Antony was overcome and abandoned his journey to the king of the Medes although he received news that the Parthians were in civilwars. He returned again into Alexandria. (Plutarch, in Antony) From that time on, he give himself over to the love and wishes of Cleopatra. (Dio, l.49. p. 411.)
  45. Antony summoned Artavasdes, king of Armenia into Egypt as a friend. He hoped to get him into his power so that he might more easily kill him. Since the king did not come, he suspected some deceit. He then found other means to deceive him. He did not publicly show his anger against him lest he should provoke him to war. (Dio, l.49. p. 411.)
  46. C. Furnius, the governor of Asia, [whom we read in Plutarch's Antony, and Jerome's Chronicle, to be a man of great authority and to be the most eloquent among the Romans,] entertained Pompeius who came to him presently. Furnius was not strong enough to drive him out neither did he know want Antony wanted to do. When he saw Pompeius' soldiers exercising, he also mustered them that were of his province and sent for Aenobarbus who commanded the army and was next him. He called quickly for Amyntas to help him. When they came immediately, Pompeius complained that he was counted for an enemy at the time when he was expecting an answer from Antony by the ambassadors whom he had sent to him. However, Pompeius planned to take Aenobarbus by the treachery of Curius, a close friend of his. He hoped that it would be a great matter if anything happened. The treason was discovered and Curius was put to death after he was condemned in the council chambers of the Romans. Pompeius also killed Theodorus, a freed man of his who only knew of this business, as if he had been the one to tell his secret. (Appian, l.5. p. 749.)
  47. Pompeius gave up hope that Furnius would receive him and seized Lampsacus by treachery. Many Italians lived here and were brought as a colony by C. Caesar. He paid the Italians large wages to entice them to serve under him. He now had 200 cavalry and three legions. He attacked Cyzicum by sea and land and he was repulsed in both fronts. There was a very large band of soldiers to guard the walls who were brought there for Antony. Pompeius returned to the harbour of the Achaeans and planned to provide grain for his troops. (Appian, l. 5. p. 749.)
  48. Furnius would not fight and always stayed near his camp with many cavalry. He would not allow Pompeius to get any grain nor seize any cities. Pompeius attacked his camp in front and sent some around who attacked from the rear. Therefore when Furnius went out against him, he had his camp at his back. Pompeius slew many as they fled by the fields of Scamander. The field was very wet because of much rain that fell. Those who escaped, retreated into a safe place but were unable to prepare for a new war. Pompeius received men from Mysia, Propontis and other places. These were poor men who were exhausted with taxes and served under Pompeius for money. He was now famous for the victory he had at the harbour of the Achaeans. (Appian, l.5. p. 750.)
  49. Since Pompeius lacked cavalry and therefore could not go very far to forage. He heard that a squadron of Italian cavalry were sent to Antony from Octavia who wintered in Athens. Therefore he presently sent to bribe them with gold. Antony's governor of Macedonia apprehended them and divided the money among the soldiers. (Appian, l.5. p. 750.)
  50. Pompeius captured Nicaea and Nicomedia. He gathered money together in abundance because of his great and unexpected successes. (Appian, l.5. p. 750.)
  51. When Furnius was camped near him, as soon as it was spring, there came to him a fleet of 70 ships from Sicily. This was the remainder of the fleet which Antony had lent Caesar against Pompeius. When the Sicilian war was ended, Caesar dismissed them. Titius also came from Syria with 120 ships and a large army. They all arrived at Proconesus. (Appian, l.5. p. 750.)
  52. Pompeius was very afraid because he was not fully prepared. He selected those places which were most convenient for his flight. He was apprehended in Nicomedia and he asked for peace through his ambassadors and hoped the favours he had done previously for Titius would make him agreeable. Titius absolutely denied to grant any peace unless he surrendered to him all his ships and forces. (Dio, l.49. p. 402,403.)
  53. Therefore Pompeius, gave up any hope of safety by sea. He put all his provisions of any weight into his ships and set them on fire. He armed his sailors who would be of more use to him on land with the others. (Dio, l.49. p. 403.; Appian, l.5. p. 750.)
  54. Herod feared lest his mother-in-law Alexandra would seek opportunities to create new problems and ordered to have her kept within the palace and to do nothing by her own authority. She was kept so strictly that nothing was concealed from him of all that she did, even to the expenses of her food. She took this captivity very badly and sent letters to Cleopatra and complained of her harsh treatment. She wanted her help. Therefore Cleopatra said that she with her son should flee into Egypt to her. She provided two coffins for her and her son that are used when men die. She ordered those servants that knew the plot that they should carry them out by night, and go to a ship which was ready provided to carry them into Egypt. Aesopus, a servant, told this to Sabbation, a friend of Alexander's because he thought he had known all this before. As Sabbation who was considered an enemy of Herod's since he was suspected to be in on the plot in the poisoning of Antipater, took this opportunity of being reconciled to the king's favour by telling this matter. Herod played along in this until it was being done and surprised her in flight and brought her back. However, he pardoned her and did not dare to punish her. He feared that Cleopatra would not be so contented but would seek any occasion of hatred against him. Therefore under the pretence of a magnanimous spirit, he made show as if he pardoned her out of mere clemency. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.3.)
  55. Cassius Parmensis, Nasidius, Saturninus, Antistius and other honourable friends of Sextus Pompeius and his dear friend Fannius and his father-in-law Libo could not persuade Pompeius to abandon the war against one who was more powerful than himself especially when Titius came whom Antony had sent. They began to despair and decided to defect to Antony. (Appian, l.5. p. 750,751.)
  56. After Pompeius was forsaken by his friends, he departed into the midland country of Bithynia and intending to go [as was reported] into Armenia. He stole away secretly by night from the camp. Furnius, Titius and Amyntas pursued him and marching excessively fast. They overtook him about evening and they both camped around an hill but without either a ditch or trench. It was late at night and they were weary. In this condition, Pompeius sent by night 3000 targateers who attacked them either in their beds or running out from their lodgings who all fled naked most cowardly. If Pompeius had attacked them with all his forces or pursued them as they fled, he might have had an absolute victory. He did not do this and gained nothing by all this. He went on where he was going into the midland country. (Appian, l.5. p. 751.)
  57. His enemies joined together and kept him from foraging so that he was very short of food. He was forced to demand a parlay with Furnius, who in previous times was a friend of Pompey the Great. He was a man of honour and gravity above the rest. Therefore he stood on the bank of a river that ran between them and he told him that he would commit himself to his protection on the condition that he might be brought to Antony. Furnius answered that this business did not belong to him, but to Titius. Pompeius suspected Titius' faithfulness and offered again to yield himself and entreated that he might be accepted. When this could not be obtained, he desired that he might be received by Amyntas. He told him that Amyntas would do nothing that might be a wrong to him that was to execute the commands of Antony. So the parlay broke off. (Appian, l.5. p. 751,752.)
  58. Furnius' soldiers thought that for very want of food, he would on the next day yield himself to Titius. He according to the custom in camps, made many fires in the night and by trumpeters distinguished the watches of the night. He secretly withdrew himself with his army without any baggage not so much as telling them where they were going. He thought to return to the sea and to burn Titius' fleet. He might have been able to do this had not Scaurus ran from him and told of his departure and the way he went, although he did not know what he intended to do. Then Amyntas pursued him with 1500 cavalry and Sextius had none. As soon as he overtook him, Pompeius' soldiers went over to him, some privately and some publicly. Pompeius was now almost desolate and was afraid of his own soldiers and surrendered himself without any conditions when he had previously refused the conditions of Titius. (Appian, l.5. p. (752).)
  59. Dio wrote that he was surprised, surrounded and taken by Titius and Furnius at Miletum, which is a town of Phrygia. (Dio, l.49. p. 403.) Appian said that his army was compelled by Titius to take a solemn oath to Antony. (Appian, l.5. p. 753.)
  60. When Antony knew what happened, he immediately sent letters and ordered Pompeius to be executed. A little later, he repented and ordered that he be spared. However, the carrier of the last letters came before the one that brought the first. Titius then received the letters concerning his death later. He supposed they were indeed written last or knowing the truth would not believe it. He followed the orders of the letters as they were delivered and not what Antony intended. (Dio, l.49. p. 403.)
  61. There are some who report that it was not Antony who ordered the death of Pompeius, but Plancus. He was the governor of Syria and was accustomed to signing for Antony in letters of importance. He also used Antony's seal either with the knowledge of Antony. [Yet he himself would not write, either because of the fame of Pompeius or because Cleopatra favoured him for the memory of his father, the Great Pompey.] If Antony did not know then Plancus may have done it himself because he was afraid that Pompeius might be some cause of difference between Caesar and Antony, or lest Cleopatra should favour Pompeius and not him. (Appian, l.5. p. (753).)
  62. Sextus Pompeius was executed at Miletum (Appian, l.5. p. 753.; Strabo, l.3. p. 141.) when L. Cornificius and another Sextus Pompeius were consuls. (Dio, l.49. p. 403.) Livy has this note about him: (Livy, l.132) "When Sextus Pompeius had surrendered to Antony while still making war against him in Asia. He was overcome by his lieutenants."
  63. We read in Orosius: (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) "Pompeius fled after being often defeated on sea and land. He was taken and a little later put to death."
  64. Velleius Paterculus wrote that Antony: (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.87.) "When he had promised that he would preserve the dignity of Sextus Pompeius then he killed him."
  65. He wrote in more detail: (Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.97.) "Pompeius fled into Asia and was killed by the order of Antony whose help he implored. Pompeius was undecided whether to be a general or a petitioner and now would retain his dignity and beg for his life. Antony had his throat cut by Titius. By this act, Antony was unpopular for a long time. When he exhibited plays in Pompeius' theatre, he was driven out from it with the curses of the people from the shows that he put on."
  66. Caesar Octavian held plays on horseback because of the death of Sextus Pompeius. He set up a chariot for the honour of Antony before the rostrum and statues in the temple of Concorde. He gave Antony permission to banquet there with his wife and children as it was formerly decreed to himself. For as yet he pretended to be his friend and comforted Antony concerning the Parthian expedition. Antony told him what envy there was risen against him by reason of the Sicilian victory and the honours decreed to him for it. [??] (Dio, l.49. p. 403.)
3970 AM, 4679 JP, 35 BC
  1. In the feast of tabernacles, the new high priest, Aristobulus who had just turned seventeen years old, offered the sacrifice according to the law. He was clothed in the priestly attire and came to the altar and performed the ceremony with all decency. He was quite handsome and taller than usual for one that old. He bore in his countenance the honour of his lineage and won the affection of all the multitude. Everyone recalled the worthy and memorable actions of his grandfather Aristobulus. They were overcome with affection for him and were so overjoyed that they could not contain themselves. They publicly prayed for him and wished him all joy and that more freely than was fit under such a king, proclaimed publicly the memory and thanks they owed to that family for all their benefits. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.3.)
  2. As soon as the feast was ended, he was entertained at a banquet by his mother Alexandra. King Herod courteously enticing the young man into a convenient place and pretended to jest with him after the manner of young men. Because that place was too hot and they were quickly weary, they left their games and went to the fish pools that were near the court to take in the fresh air at noon. At first they saw some of their friends and servants as they were swimming. At length the young man also, by the persuasion of Herod, went in among them. Then those to whom this charge was given, dunked him as he was swimming, as it were in sport and jest. They held him under water and did not stop until he drowned. This was the end of Aristobulus in the eighteenth year of his age and the first of his high priesthood which immediately reverted to Ananelus. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.3.)
  3. Now when this accident was reported to the women, they were all in an uproar and did nothing but weep and howl over the dead body of the young man. Sorrow seized the whole city, as soon as the rumour was spread abroad and every house bewailed the calamity as if it had been their own. Herod endeavoured by all means to make people believe, that this accident happened without his knowledge. He pretended to be sorrowful but also tears and grief very like to true grief. So that he might comfort the women more, he buried the body with a most magnificent funeral. He was extremely liberal in adorning his monument and in perfumes and other precious things. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.3.)
  4. His mother Alexandra, although she was often ready to commit suicide since she knew all what happened yet she repressed her passion. She behaved as if she was not suspicious as if she had thought that her son had not been killed on purpose until some occasion of revenge might offer itself. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.3.)
  5. Antony sought some way how he might the more easily be revenged of Artavasdes, the king of Armenia. He sent Q. Dellius to him and he asked and added many promises also that there might be a marriage between his daughter and Antony's son Alexander [whom he had by Cleopatra.] Finally, he suddenly came in the beginning of the spring to Nicopolis, a city in the lesser Armenia that was built by Pompey. From there he sent for him to come, as though he would make use of both his advise and help in the Parthian war. Artavasdes suspected treachery and did not come. (Dio, l.49. p. 475.)
  6. Alexandria was incensed by her grief to a desire of revenge, and told Cleopatra by letters of the treachery of Herod and also of the lamentable death of her son. Cleopatra who for a long time was desirous to help her and then pitying the woman's misfortune, took particular care of this business herself. She never stopped nagging Antony to revenge the young man's death and told him it was an unpardonable act that he that by his help had enjoyed a kingdom that rightfully belonged to another and behaved with such insolent rage against the lawful family of the kings. Antony was persuaded by these words. After he came into Laodicea in Syria, he sent for Herod to come before him, to answer to the crime against him about the death of Aristobulus. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.4.)
  7. Herod committed the care of the kingdom to his Uncle Joseph and ordered him secretly that if Antony should do any harm to him then Joseph should execute his wife Mariamme. He told Joseph that he loved her so much, that he should esteem it a wrong done to himself, if any one should enjoy her beauty even after his death. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.4.)
  8. Herod went to Antony and so appeased him with his presents which he had brought from Jerusalem for this purpose and so appeased his anger by with many conferences that after this Cleopatra's charges carried less weight with him. Antony denied that it was fitting that a king should give an account of his actions otherwise he would cease to be a king. For having once given him the honour of being a king he should have the free power to do as he wished. He also said that Cleopatra should not meddle too much with other men's governments. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.4.)
  9. When Joseph governed the kingdom that was committed to him, he talked at various times with Mariamme. Sometimes it was about business and partly to honour her. He often mentioned how much Herod loved her which made the other ladies laugh, especially Alexandra. He was so trying to vindicate the king's love to them that he told them the secret command the king had given him. He thought that this was the best argument of his love because he could neither endure to live without her nor in death be parted from her. The ladies did not interpret it as an indubitable sign of Herod's love but abhorred his tyrannical mind, who though he were dead would yet seek their life. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.4.)
  10. In the interim, a rumour spread in the city that the king was put to death by Antony. This disturbed all the court especially the ladies. Alexandra also persuaded Joseph that he should take them with him and he should flee to the ensigns of the Roman legions. They were around the city, Joseph should seek the protection of the tribune, Julius so that if at first there should be any troubles about the court, they would be safe and in the favour of the Romans. Moreover it was hoped that Mariamme could obtain anything, if she should ever see Antony and might also recover the kingdom and whatever belonged to the royal family. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.4)
  11. As they were holding this meeting, Herod's letters arrived that quashed the rumour. He wrote of what honours Antony had shown for him in public assemblies and by inviting him to feasts. He said that Antony did this even during the accusations of Cleopatra, who was desirous of that country and fought by all means to destroy him that she might usurp that kingdom. However, since Antony had showed himself just, no great danger was expected and he should shortly return after he had his kingdom and alliance confirmed by Antony. There was no hope left now for the covetousness of Cleopatra, since Antony had granted her Coelosyria, instead of what she had demanded. It was given on the condition that she would never again demand Judah or mention this matter to him. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.4)
  12. As soon as these letters were received, the reason for fleeing to the Romans vanished but their resolution to do so was not hidden. As soon as Herod had brought Antony some part of the way against the Parthians, [for so he pretended] he returned into Judea. Immediately his sister, Salome and his mother Salome, told him what Alexandra intended to do with her friends. Salome was not content with this but accused her husband Joseph, as if he had been too familiar with Mariamme. She did this from an old grudge, because the queen was a woman of a high spirit and among other women's chatter, she had upbraided her for her lowly birth. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.4)
  13. Mariamme had testified to Herod by oath to her chastity and Herod had told her again how much he loved her. She denied that it was wrong for a lover to order that if he should die that also his wife should be put to death. Herod thought this secret could never be known unless she had committed adultery with Joseph. He wanted to kill her for this but he was overcome with love and he barely restrained himself from doing this. However, he ordered Joseph to be put to death and did not so much as allow him to come into his presence. He also put Alexandra into prison since she was the cause of all these evils. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.4.)
  14. In the meanwhile the affairs of Syria were unsettled. Cleopatra never failed to bias Antony against all men and persuaded him to take everyone's government from him and to give it to her. She wanted Judea and Arabia to be given to her and taken from the two kings, Herod and Malchus. She plotted their destruction. However, Antony thought it was unjust to put two such great kings to death as a favour to an importunate woman. In spite of this he no more counted them as his friends and took part of their country from them and gave it to Cleopatra. Moreover, he gave her all the cities which lie between the Eleutherus River and Egypt except for Tyre and Sidon. He knew these were always free cities although by her earnest intreaties she tried to get them also. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13. l.7. c.28. Antiq. l.15. c.4.)
  15. Thus Cleopatra, by the bounty of Antony, enjoyed a large part of Cilicia, the country of Judea where the balsam grows, Arabia, Nabatea which was Malchus' country, [that is all that bordered the sea] Ituraea, Phoenicia, Coelosyria, Cyprus and some part of Crete. Antony greatly offended the people of Rome with his large gifts. They were upset by the immorality of Cleopatra from whom he had twins previously, Alexandra and Cleopatra, [whom he named one the Sun, and the other the Moon] and also Ptolemy, whom she named Philadelphus. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.36. 9:219 c.54. 9:263; *Dio, l.50. 5:425; Livy, l.132.) Cleopatra is said to have understood many languages so that she did not need an interpreter but could speak either Ethiopian, Troglodita, Hebrew, Arabian, Syrian, Mede and Parthian. Her predecessors, the kings of Egypt, scarcely understood the Egyptian languages and some also of them had forgotten the Macedonian language. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.27. 9:197)
  16. Cleopatra accompanied Antony, who was going with his army into Armenia, as far as the Euphrates River. She returned and on the way she visited Apamea and Damascus. Then she came into Judea. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.5.)
  17. The third summer after Lepidus was put out of office by Caesar Octavian in Silicia, Antony undertook his expedition into Armenia (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.82. 1:223) after the death of Sextus Pompeius. (*Appian, l.5. 4:617) He again sent Q. Dellius to the king of Armenia to confer with him while he quickly went to Artaxata, (*Dio, l.49. b. 5:421)
  18. Cleopatra was entertained by Herod in Judea and he assured her of that part of Arabia that was granted to her by Antony and the revenues of Jericho also were hers. This country bears balsam which was the most precious of all ointments and only grows there. Also there is a large supply of dates. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.5.) The balsam is grown only in the land of Judea and is only in two gardens both of which belonged to the king. One was 20 acres large and the other was smaller. (*Pliny, l.12. c.54. 4:79)
  19. By this, Herod became good friends with Cleopatra. She tried to allure him by her wiles either through the intemperance of her lust or else seeking an occasion too by this for her treachery. She only pretended love and Herod refused her. He had a meeting with his friends about killing her but was restrained from this attempt by them. He appeased Cleopatra by generous presents and all manner of attentive service. He accompanied her as far as Pelusium. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13. Antiq. l.15. c.5.) He was afraid of her and also of the Jewish people. He made that castle as a refuge for himself and stored as many arms there as would be needed for 10,000 men. (Josephus, Wars, l.7. c.28.)
  20. In Armenia, Antony induced King Artavasdes to come to him. He had his friends persuade him as well he frightened him with the size of his forces. The king was deceived by his many promises since Antony always behaved like his friend in his letters and deeds. He come into his camp upon his assurance and was apprehended. (*Dio, l.49. 5:421; Livy, l.131.; *Strabo. l.11. 5:339; *Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.82. 1:255; *Plutarch, Antony, c.50. 9:255; Orosius, l.6. c.19.)
  21. As soon as Antony had taken him, he carried him about the citadels where his treasure was stored. He did not put him in fetters and hoped to get the treasure without any fighting. He pretended that he took him captive only to get his money from the Armenians for their freedom and his kingdom. This was all in vain since those who kept the treasure, would not obey him. (*Dio, l.49. 5:421)
  22. Those Armenians who bore arms, made his oldest son Artaxias the king instead of Artavasdes or Artabazes who was taken prisoner. (*Dio, l.49. 5:421; Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.5.) Antony bound Artavasdes with silver chains as if it were a lowly thing for a king to be tied with iron fetters. (*Dio, l.49. 5:423) By his silver chains he compelled him to confess where the royal treasure was. When he captured the town where he told him the treasure was stored, he took from there a large amount of gold and silver. (Orosius, l.6. c.11.)
  23. After these things, Antony subdued all Armenia either by force or voluntary surrender. (*Dio, l.49. 5:423; Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.5.) When Artaxias engaged him in a battle, he was defeated and fled to the Parthians. (*Dio, l.49. 5:423) Antony led Artavasdes bound with his sons, who were princes, into Egypt as a present to Cleopatra along with whatever was valuable in that kingdom. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.13. Antiq., l.15. c.5.)
  24. At Rome on the 13th [ides] of September, C. Sosius the proconsul triumphed for Judea. This appears in the marble triumphal records. (Gruter, Inscript. p. 297.)
3971 AM, 4680 JP, 34 BC
  1. Antony obtained for a stricter tie of friendship, the daughter of Artarasdes, the king of Media for a marriage with his son. He left his army in Armenia and he returned into Egypt with his enormous plunder. When he entered Alexandria in a chariot, he led before him among other captives, Artavasdes or Artabazes, the king of Armenia with his wife and children. (*Dio. l.49. 5:423) The Romans were discontented by this as if the best possessions of their country, should be shared with the Egyptians as a favour to Cleopatra. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.54. 9:261)
  2. Antony presented Artavasdes, with his family in chains of gold, before Cleopatra, in an assembly of the people. She was on silver plated platform and sat in a chair of gold. The barbarians neither reverenced her, nor fell on their knees, [although they were often ordered to do so by threats and promises.] They only called her by her own name and for this they were thought to be high spirited and suffered all the more. (*Dio, l.49. 5:425)
  3. Antony feasted the Alexandrians and assembled the people into the show place where the young men exercise themselves. On the high silver platform, he placed two golden chairs, one for himself and another for Cleopatra and smaller chairs for his children. He then made a speech to the people and decreed that Cleopatra should be called Queen of Kings and her son and partner in the kingdom, namely, Ptolemy Caesarion, King of Kings. He gave them Egypt and Cyprus in a different division which he had previously made. He told them also that Cleopatra was the wife of Caesar the dictator and that Caesarion was his lawful son. He pretended that he spoke this in love for Caesar so that he might make Octavian hated. Octavian was not Caesar's son but only an adopted son. Antony allocated lands to the children whom he had by Cleopatra. He gave Lybia Cyreniaca to their daughter, Cleopatra. He gave Armenia to her brother, Alexander and promised also Media and Parthia and all those countries that lie beyond the Euphrates River even to India after he had conquered them. He also gave to Ptolemy [surnamed Philadelphus] Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia, and all the country on this side of the Euphrates River to the Hellespont. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.54. 9:263; *Dio, l.49. 5:425)
  4. Antony also brought out his other sons, Alexander in the clothes of the Medes and wearing the Persian clothes and a turban. Ptolemy came in slippers and cloak with a crown about it. These were the clothes of Alexander the Great's successors and the other of the Medes and Armenians. And as soon as the lads had greeted their parents, the Macedonians were to guard the one and the Armenians the other. Whenever Cleopatra appeared in public, she wore the clothes of the goddess Isis and so spoke to all her subjects in the name of the new Isis. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.54. 9:263) She also ordered that she should be called Isis and the Selene and Antony, the new Osiris and Father Bacchus [Liber] since he was crowned with ivy and wore buskins. He was carried at Alexandria in a chariot like Father Liber. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.82. 1:225; *Dio, l.50. 5:445) &&& Antony, Mark - Called new Osiris and the Father Bacchus
  5. Antony went as far as the Araxis River as if he intended to make war on the Parthians. He thought he had accomplished enough by making an alliance with Artarasdes, the king of the Medes. Antony and the Mede promised each other mutual assistance, the one against the Parthians and the other against Caesar. To seal the pact, they exchanged some soldiers. Antony also gave the Mede, part of Armenia that he had recently seized and received from him his daughter Iotape who was very young, to be in time a wife for his son Alexander [born of Cleopatra,] to whom he had given the kingdom of Armenia, which also Livy also confirmed. (Livy, l.131.) The Mede also gave him the ensigns that were taken from Statianus. (*Dio. l.49. 5:431,433; *Plutarch, in Antony, c.52. 9:255,257)
  6. After peace was made with the Medes, Antony gave to Polemon the Lesser Armenia. He also gave the consulship to L. Cluavius [or Cluvius] who was with him and he took him with him. (*Dio, l.49. 5:432,433)
  7. Caesar Octavian in the senate and before the people, frequently accused Antony and incensed the people against him. Antony also sent recriminations against him. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.55. 9:263) Caesar among other things, complained that Antony held Egypt that was not assigned to him. He had killed Sextus Pompeius, whom [as he said] he had willingly let escape. He had treacherously taken Artavasdes and put him in prison. He had brought great infamy upon the people of Rome. Caesar demanded also some of the spoils. Above all Caesar upbraided him for his conduct with Cleopatra and the children that he had by her and the countries that he had given to her. He was especially upset because he had brought Caesarion, the son of Cleopatra, into the family of Caesar. (*Dio, l.50. 5:437) Antony affirmed to the senate that he was acknowledged so by Julius Caesar and that C. Marius, C. Oppius, and the other friends of Julius Caesar knew this. Caius Oppius, as if the business needed a defence wrote a book, and said that Caesarion was not Caesar's son whom Cleopatra said was. (Suetonius, in Julius, c.52.)
  8. When Antony was in Armenia, he ordered Canidius to go to the sea with 16 legions. However, he took Cleopatra with him and went to Ephesus where his fleets were all to meet. There were 800 ships of which Cleopatra promised 200 ships, 20,000 talents and provisions for all the army during the war. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.56. 9:265)
  9. Antony by the advice of Domitius and some others, ordered Cleopatra to return to Egypt and there to wait the result of the war. However, she feared that Antony and Octavia may be reconciled and she persuaded Canidius with large bribes that he would speak to Antony for her. He was to say that it was not fair that she should be sent back when she had brought so much for the war effort. It would not be good that the Egyptians should be discouraged who made up a large part of the naval forces. Antony was convinced and they assembled their forces and sailed to Samos where they gave themselves over to pleasure. Just as it was ordered that all kings, governors, tetrarchs, countries and cities that were between Syria, Meotis, Armenia and Lauria should help in the war, likewise it was ordered that all the dramatic artists meet at Samos. Whereas almost all the world was filled with weeping and wailing, this one island alone resounded with piping and singing for many days. All the theatre was full of these common players. Every city sent over for sacrifices and the kings strove among themselves who should make the greatest feast and give the greatest presents so that it was normally said: "What will they do when they are conquerors in a triumph, when for the very preparation for the war is made with such sumptuousness?" (*Plutarch, Antony, c.66. 9:267)
  10. From here Antony sailed to Athens and there gave himself wholly over to see plays and shows. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.67. 9:267) He went with a staff of gold, and a Persian sword by his side, a purple robe buttoned with precious stones and a crown so that a king might enjoy a queen. (*Florus, l.2. c.21. 1:325)
  11. The king of Media used the help of the Romans that Antony had left with him and defeated the Parthians and Artaxes [or Artaxias the Armenian] that came against him. (*Dio, l. 49. 9:433)
3972 AM, 4681 JP, 33 BC
  1. Herod duly paid the tributes of the countries of Judea and Arabia which Cleopatra had received from Antony. He thought it was not safe to give her any reason for illwill against him. Herod had undertaken to collect the tribute from Arabia and for some time paid 200 talents yearly. Later he was slow and negligent and scarcely paid her half and that very negligently. (Joseph. l.15. c.5.)
  2. Caesar and Antony mutually accused each other and mutually defended themselves. This was sometimes done with private letters sent between them. [Among those which Antony sent Caesar was most petulant, (Suetonius, in Octavian) where Suetonius said that he began to live with Queen Cleopatra, whom he affirms to have been his wife for nine years.] Some letters were sent publicly. Caesar publicly pleaded his case and Antony through his letters. On these occasions, they often sent ambassadors one to another so that they might more fully show their cause to be just and spy on the affairs of the adversary. In the mean while, they got money together, as if it had been for some other purpose and prepared for war as if it had been against other enemies. (*Dio, l.50. 5:437,439)
  3. The new consul at Rome, Caius Sosius [who had triumphed for Judea] on the first day of January made a long speech in the senate praising Antony and criticising Caesar. [Gnaeus Domitius, his colleague because he had endured many calamities previous, did not get involved.] Sosius was ready to make an edict against Caesar who had purposefully left the city, had not Nonius Balbus, the tribune of the people, opposed it. (*Dio, l.50. 5:439)
  4. Antony wrote to Rome to confirm that the allocation of lands that he had made at Alexandria of the country between Cleopatra and her children. In spite of this, these letters were not read publicly. Domitius and Sosius, the consuls who most favoured Antony forbid it. Caesar desired that all things might be made public. Since their opinion prevailed, Caesar had the senate agree that none of those that were written would be read concerning Artavasdes with whom Caesar had privately consulted with against Antony and he also begrudged Antony a triumph. (*Dio, l.49. 5:425,427)
  5. The senate convened and Caesar sat between the consuls in the curule chair, surrounded by his friends and soldiers. They carried concealed weapons. When he at length defended himself and accused Sosius and Antony and saw that neither any other nor the consuls themselves dared say a word, he ordered them to meet again on a certain day. He would show them the wrongs of Antony in writing. The consuls did not dare to oppose him nor were they able to hold their peace. They left the city privately before the day came and went to Antony. Many of the senators followed them. When Caesar knew of this, he said that any one his side was also free to go to Antony in safety lest he should seem to have been forsaken by them for some wrong he had done them. (*Dio, l.50. 5:439,441; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.17.)
  6. After the consuls left, Caesar convened a senate and did and said what he wanted to. When Antony heard this, he called a council of his friends and after many arguments on both sides, he declared war. (*Dio, l.50. 5:441) He ordered a divorce to be declared to his wife, Octavia, the sister of Caesar. (*Dio, l.50. 5:441; Livy, l.132.; Eutropius, l.7.; Orosius, l. 6. c.19.)
  7. Later he sent some men to Rome, to put Octavia out of his house. She went and took with her all Antony's children whom he had by Fulvia except the oldest who lived with his father. She wept and wailed exceedingly because she seemed to be one cause of the civilwar. The people of Rome did not so much pity her as Antony and much more those that had seen Cleopatra who was not superior to Octavia in beauty nor youth. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.57. 9:267,269)
  8. When Caesar heard of the sudden and large preparations of Antony, he was very astonished and feared he should be forced to fight that summer. Caesar was very short of money and vexed the people of Italy with his exactions. It was Antony's most serious fault for delaying the battle. This gave Caesar time to prepare and to settle the uproar over his extractions. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.58. 9:269)
  9. After King Herod had settled the troubles of Judea and had taken Hyrcanium, [a town which the sister of Antigonus had kept], the war at Actium started in the 187th Olympiad [which was this summer.] Herod made large preparations for the helping of Antony however Antony relieved him of this by saying he did not require them. After Antony heard from Cleopatra and others of the wrong doings of the Arabians that refused to pay the tribute Antony imposed, Antony ordered Herod to make war on the Arabians. Cleopatra also persuaded Antony that it would be for her profit. She hoped that if Herod would defeat the Arabians then she would be the mistress of Arabia. If the Arabians defeated Herod then she would be the mistress of Judea. Therefore Herod returned home by Antony's orders and kept his army there. Soon he invaded Arabia with a good army of foot soldiers and cavalry. He went to Diospolis where the Arabians met him and after a fierce battle, the Jews got the victory. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.14. Antiq. l. 15. c.6.)
  10. Titius and Plancus were the best friends to Antony and had previously been consuls. They knew all Antony's plans and were secretly envied by Cleopatra because they were much against her presence in this war. They fled to Caesar who willingly entertained them. Caesar learned all Antony's actions and counsels as well as the contents of his will and its location. They were witnesses to it and knew the contents. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.58. 9:269; *Dio, l.50. 5:441) Concerning Plancus' actions [who was formerly secretary to Antony and later Antony made him proconsul of Asia and then of Syria] and of his and Titius' flight, see Velleius. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.83. 1:225)
  11. Antony's will was deposited with the vestal virgins who refused to turn it over to Caesar. However, if he came and took it, they said they would not stop him. Therefore he went and took it. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.58. 9:269) At first he read it privately and noted some places that were objectionable. Later, he read it publicly in the senate and then to the people. Many were offended that while a man was alive, he should give an account of things to be done after his death. Although it was considered very unjust to do this, yet those things which were contained in the will were of such a nature, that they removed all envy from Caesar for his actions. Antony's will stated that Caesarion was indeed the very son of Caesar the dictator. He counted the children whom he had by Cleopatra among his heirs and bestowed large gifts on them. Concerning his funeral, it said that even if he had died at Rome, he should be carried through the forum and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.58. 9:271; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.17.; *Dio, l.50. 5:441,443)
  12. These things so enraged everyone against Antony, that they believed all things to be true that were reported of him. They thought that Antony, if he should get the power into his hands, would give Rome itself to Cleopatra and move the empire to Egypt. Moreover, all men were so angry with him, that not only his enemies but also his friends blamed him very much. They were astonished at the reading of the will and come to the same conclusion Caesar did about Antony. (*Dio. l.50. 5:423)
  13. The recent runaway Plancus stated many horrible things against Antony in the senate. (Velleius Paterculus, l.1. c.83. 1:227) Calvius, or Clavisius, a friend of Caesar's upbraided Antony also as actions done as a favour to Cleopatra. Most of his charges were thought to be false. However, Antony's friends were intercessors to the people for him. They sent Geminius into Greece to Antony to desire that he would take heed that the empire should not be taken from him and that he should not be declared an enemy to the state. At supper time Geminius was provoked by Cleopatra and told her that all things would go well if she went to Egypt. However, he feared the queen's anger and he was forced to flee as fast as he could to Rome. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.59. 9:273)
  14. As soon as Caesar was sufficiently prepared, he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra. The consulship also [for Antony was appointed consul for the next year] was taken from him as well as all his other power which he had committed to the pleasure of a woman. It is said also that Cleopatra by her charms had so besotted Antony that he was not his own man. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.60. 9:275; *Dio, l.50,5:443) She had so enthralled him that she made him the overseer of the exercises of the Alexandrians and she was called by him queen and lady. She had Roman soldiers in her guard and all of them had written on their shields the name of Cleopatra. She went also into the forum with Antony and helped him put on plays; she sat with him in judgment; she rode horseback with him; she rode in a chariot in the cities while Antony followed her on foot with the eunuchs. In short, she was so bold as to hope for the government over the Romans as if she did at any time. She always swore by a great oath as she hoped to make laws in the capitol. [*Dio, p. 421. 422.] She also, through her womanish desire, wished to reign in Rome. (Eutropius, l.7.) Horace wrote about this: (Horace, l.1, Ode. 37.) This Queen did to The Capitol provide, And Empire, ruin, Joining to her side The dregs of the World, being above hope now, Ravished with madam fortune's pleasing brow.
  15. Ovid stated: (Ovid, Metamorphos, l.15.) ------The Egyptian spouse shall fall, Ill trusting to her Roman General, To make our stately Capitol obey Of proud Canopus shall in vain assay.
  16. If Antony had been declared an enemy, those who were with him, except those who had defected from him, would likewise have been accounted enemies. Lest it should happen, [for the power of his friends was to be feared] he was not in word declared an enemy though he was an enemy indeed. Impunity and commendations were propounded to those who should forsake Antony. However war was publicly proclaimed against Cleopatra whom they knew would never forsake him. It sufficed that this crime might be objected against him that he of his own accord had undertaken a war against his own country by whom he was never offended on the behalf of an Egyptian woman and as if there had now been an actual war. They took their soldiers' coats and went to the temple of Bellona. There Caesar, as if he had been an herald, performed all those things by their orders that were accustomed to be done after the manner of the Romans before the war was started. (*Dio, l.50. 5:443,445) They added moreover that now those that were to make war with the Romans were Macedonian eunuchs and Pothinus and Iras that trimmed Cleopatra's hair and Charmium [Nairas and Carmio, Gala says were Cleopatra's Maids, (Gala, de Theriaca ad Posonim)] by whom the greatest affairs of Antony's empire were managed. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.60. 9:273,275)
  17. After this, the youth were called earnestly to arms by both sides. Money was coined and all things which were necessary for the war were provided. The preparation for this war was far greater than all the former wars because so many countries sent help to each side. Caesar got help from all Italy, France, Spain, Illyricum, both the Aricks, Sardinia, Sicily, and other islands that lay near the previously mentioned continents. (*Dio, l.50. 5:447) He had 250 warships, 80,000 foot soldiers and 12,000 cavalry. Antony had more than 500 warships of which some had eight or ten tiers of oars. They were furnished sumptuously and fit for a triumph. He had 100,000 foot soldiers and as many cavalry as Caesar had, 12,000 cavalry. Antony got help from the kings who were his subjects: Bocchus, king of Africa, [that was ousted of his kingdom by the Romans] Tarcondemus, [or Tarcondimotus] of the Upper Cilicia, Archelaus of Cappadocia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithridates of Commagena, and Adallas, king of Thracia. These were personally present in the war. Polemon sent help from Pontus, Malchus, from Arabia and Herod from Judea as well as Amyntas, King of Lyconia and Galatia. Antony also commanded all from the Euphrates River and Armenia, even to the Ionian Sea and Illyricum and from Cyrene to Ethiopia, (*Plutarch, Antony, c.61. 9:275,277) Thereupon all the countries of the continent of Asia who obeyed the Romans, namely, Thracia, Greece, Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrene, with the borders and all the neighbouring islands and almost all kings and princes and all who only bordered on that part of the Roman Empire. These obeyed Antony. Some came in person, others sent their generals [as it is said] and helped Antony. (*Dio, l.50. 5:449)
  18. Supplies also were sent to him from the king of the Medes. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.61. 9:277) When Antony saw this he sent them back and recalled his own soldiers whom he had lent to the Medes. That king defeated Phraates, King of the Parthians, and Artaxes [or Artaxias] King of the Armenians. By this Armenia [which Antony had recently conquered] was lost together with Media from the Romans. (*Dio, l.49. 5:433)
  19. Antony feared even the over attentiveness of Cleopatra herself when he was preparing for the war at Actium. He would not eat anything that had not been previously tasted. She is said by this means to have purged him of this fear. She dipped the uppermost flowers of her garland in poison and put the garland on her own head. Immediately, in the height of their mirth, she invited Antony to drink their garlands. When Antony took it from his head and he put it into the cup and began to drink. She, with her hand, stopped him and said: "I am she, my dear Antony, who you provide by this new craze for tasters. Do you think that either occasion or invention is lacking, if I could live without you?"
  20. Then she called for a prisoner and ordered him to drink it. He soon died. (*Pliny, l.21. c. 9. 6:169)
  21. Herod had routed the largest part of the Arabian army at Cana in Coelosyria. Athenio, the general of Queen Cleopatra in that country, hated Herod and assembled a number of the natives and joined with the Arabians. They made a large slaughter of the Jews in the rough and difficult places [with which the enemy was better acquainted.] When the king saw that his men were put to the worse, he sent men on horseback, to bring new troops. However, he hurried as fast as possible to the Jew's camp only to find the enemy had taken it. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.6.)
3973 AM, 4682 JP, 32 BC
  1. From that time on, Herod began to make incursions and to prey on the Arabians. He always camped on the mountains and always avoided to come to a set battle. He was successful by this in that he accustomed his men to labour and continual exercise. He prepared himself to blot out the infamy of his former defeat. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.6)
  2. Antony, intended to go into Italy and to carry on the war there before his enemies were aware. When he came to Coreyra, he heard that some light ships which were sent out for spies were anchored by the Ceraunian Mountains. He suspected that Caesar was come with his whole fleet and went back again into Peloponesus, [for it was now at the end of Autumn] and wintered at Patara. He sent his soldiers into all places that they might guard them better and that there might be a better supply of food for them. (*Dio, l.50. p. 5:453)
  3. Caesar sailed from Brundusium and went as far as Corcyra. He thought to attack by surprise the enemy as they were on the way to Actium. He was thwarted by a storm and forced to return. Thus he missed his chance. (*Dio, l.50. 5:457)
  4. While Herod made inroads on the land of Arabia in the seventh year of his reign [calculated here and hereafter from the death of Antigonus in the month of August 38 BC.] The war at Actium had now begun. In the beginning of the spring, Judea was shaken with an earthquake like it never had before. In the ruins of the houses, 10,000 men were killed. The soldiers were unharmed because they were in the open fields. This calamity was made much worse when the Arabians who were their enemies found out about it. They became quite proud as if all the cities of the Jews were overthrown and all the men were dead so that there were no enemies left. For this reason they laid hold of the ambassadors of the Jews, who in this affliction, came to ask for peace. They slew them and soon prepared for war with all earnestness. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.14. Antiq. l.15. c.7.]
  5. Herod encouraged his men and offered sacrifices according to the custom. He quickly marched with his army over Jordan and camped at Philadelphia. The battle started over the citadel that was located between him and the Arabians. The Jews won and forced the dismayed enemy to another battle. There, after continual skirmishes, the Arabians were put to flight. In the rout, they trod under foot their own men when the Jews pursued them. They lost 5000 men and the rest were besieged in their camp and very short of water. They sent ambassadors to Herod whom he despised. They were more earnest and offered 50 talents for their freedom because they were so short of water. Finally, they came out in companies and surrendered to the Jews. Thus 4000 captives were taken in five days. On the fifth day the rest that were in the camp came out to fight, but they were defeated and 7000 men died. By this defeat the courage of the Arabians was subdued and Herod was declared governor of that country by them. He returned home with great glory. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.8,9.)
  6. Hillel, a Babylonian of the family of David, lived at Jerusalem 100 years before the Jewish account of the destruction of the temple. This is taken from the Gemora Babylonic. tractat. tbf c.1. He had a large number of disciples of which one was Jonathan, the son of Uzziel, the famous author of the Chaldee Paraphrase of the prophets. The Pharisees were divided into two sects from a difference arising between Hillel and Sammaius [or Sameas concerning whom was formerly spoken from Josephus.] the Pharisees Jerome, (Jerome l.3.) commentary on (Isaiah 8:14) stated this: "The Nazarites [such are those who received Christ and yet observed the old law] interpret the two houses of Sammaius and Hillel as two families from whom sprung the scribes and Pharisees."
  7. He adds moreover: "Sammaius and Hillel, [or their two houses, of which there is so often mention made in the Talmud] sprang not up long before the Lord was born."
  8. Phraates, the king of the Parthians, became more insolent by the victory he had over Antony. He dealt more cruelly than before and was driven into exile by his own subjects. Tiridates was made the new king. (Justin, l.42. c.5.; *Dio. l.51 6:51)
  9. A certain Midian persuaded the Mysians of Asia to revolt from Antony and with their help they made war there against Antony. (*Dio, l.51. 6:7)
  10. Antony went to Actium where he had appointed to meet his fleet and was not disturbed when he found that almost a third of his sailors had starved to death. He said: "Well the oars are safe, for I will not lack rowers, as long as Greece has any men." (Orosius, l. 6. c.19.)
  11. Thereupon the captains conscripted the travellers, mule drivers, harvesters and young men. In spite of this the ships were not fully manned and many were empty. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.62. 9:277)
  12. Asinius Pollio stayed in Italy all the while after the peace was concluded at Brundusium and had never seen Cleopatra or after that, when Antony was so taken with the love of her, was he active on Antony's side. When Caesar asked if he would go with him to the war at Actium, he replied: "My services to Antony are too great, his favours to me are more known, therefore I will have nothing to do with your difference with him but will be the prize of the conqueror." (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.86. 1:233)
  13. M. Agrippa was sent ahead by Caesar, and captured many cargo ships loaded with grain and arms as they were coming from Egypt, Syria, and Asia to help Antony. He crossed over the bay of Peloponesus and conquered Methona which was fortified with a strong garrison by Antony. (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) He killed Bogud there. He determined the best places for the cargo ships to arrive. From there he went into various places in Greece and very much troubled Antony. (*Dio, l.50. 5:459)
  14. Caesar was encouraged by these results and went from Brundusium with 230 ships having their prows armed and all his forces. He sailed into Epirus after he crossed the Ionian Sea. (*Dio, l.50. 5:459; Livy, l.132; *Plutarch, Antony, c.62. 9:279; Orosius, l.6. c.19.) He met his foot soldiers whom he had drawn within the Ceraunian Mountains to Actium. He seized with his ships Corcyra which was left without a garrison. He anchored at Fresh Harbour because the harbour was not salty. From there he went with his fleet to Actium where the most of Antony's fleet was also anchored. Then he camped at that place where he later built Nicopolis. (*Dio, l.50. 5:461,463)
  15. When Antony saw his enemies sailing towards him as soon as it was day, he feared that they would take his ships. He lacked men to defend thema and placed his sailors on the forecastle in arms. He ordered them to hold up their oars on both sides of the ships as if they had been soldiers. So he kept them in the mouth of the harbour at Actium with the prows towards the enemy as if they had been well furnished with rowers and ready for a fight. Caesar was fooled by this stratagem and returned. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.63. 9:279)
  16. Marcus Agrippa sailed to Leucas and took the island and the ships that were in it from under the very nose of Antony's fleet. He also seized Patoae after defeating Q. Asidius in a naval battle and later took Corinth. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.84. 1:229; *Dio, l.50. 5:465)
  17. Marcus Titius and Statilius Taurus suddenly attacked Antony's cavalry and routed them. They also joined in a league with Philadelphus, King of Paphlagonia. (*Dio, l.50. 5:465)
  18. Cneus Domitius a very gallant man, who alone of all Antony's party, refused to greet Cleopatra except but by her own name and was extremely hated by the queen. He defected to Caesar by going through great and imminent danger. (*Dio, l.50. 5:465; *Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.84. 1:229) When he was sick with a fever, he took a little boat and went over to Caesar. Although Antony took it badly, he opposed Cleopatra's wishes and sent him all his baggage together with his friends and servants. Domitius, as though he repented of his public treasons, died soon after (*Plutarch, Antony, c.63. 9:281) because he seemed to have fled from Antony, as though he despaired of Antony's good fortune. Many followed his example. (*Dio, l.50. 5:465)
  19. Antony began to despair and suspected all his friends of whom among others, he put to death by torture, Jamblichus a king of part of Arabia. He ordered that some should be torn in pieces including Q. Posthumius, a senator. Antony feared lest Quintus Dellius and Amyntas, King of Galatia, who had been sent into Macedonia and Thracia to hire soldiers should defect to Caesar. He went after them as if it were to help them if the enemy should attack them. (*Dio, l. 50. 5:465)
  20. In the meantime Sosius on Antony's side, hoped that if he should attack L. Tauresius, who with a few ships kept a guard against Antony's fleet, before the arrival of Agrippa, who was Caesar's admiral, he might do some great exploit. Early in the morning, he suddenly attacked him. He took advantage of a fog lest when Tauresius saw the number of his ships, he should flee. He defeated Tauresius in the first conflict and chased him. By chance he was met by Agrippa hence he did not overtake Tauresius or receive any reward for his victory. However, Sosius was killed along with Tarcondimotus and many others. (*Dio, l.50. 5:465)
  21. This defeat, as well as the defeat of his cavalry by Caesar's guard, changed Antony's mind about having his camp opposite the enemies' camp. Therefore he left it by night and went to the other side of the Ambracian Gulf where his larger forces were camped. Since he was blockaded from getting provisions, he held a council. He wanted to decide whether they should go to battle now or leave that place and fight the war later. (*Dio, l.50. 5:467)
  22. Canidius, who commanded the legions and was the reason Antony brought Cleopatra with him, now changed his mind and persuaded him to send her back again. Antony should then go into Thracia or Macedonia and then decide the matter in a land battle because he was stronger on land and also he might make use of the fresh troops that Dicomes the King of the Betae sent. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.63. 9:281)
  23. However, Cleopatra and Antony were frightened by some prodigies. Because of these and the low morale, Cleopatra prevailed with Antony that the war should be decided in a naval battle. However, she prepared for her flight and packed her baggage as if she did not think they would win and all was lost. She planned how she could more easily escape. They determined not to secretly steal away as if they fled, lest they should strike fear into the army since it was already prepared for battle. However, if any would oppose them, that they might by brute force make their way into Egypt. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.63. 9:281; *Dio, l.50. 5:467)
  24. Velleius Paterculus says, (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.84. 1:229) that King Amyntas, but Plutarch stated that both he and Dejotarus defected to Caesar. Q. Dellius the historian also defected to Caesar, [to whom the third Ode of the second book Carmin of Horace was written.] He was either afraid of the treacheries of Cleopatra, which he said Glaucus, her physician told him of or else he followed his old pattern. He had defected from Dolabella to Cassius and from Cassius to Antony. He was called by Messala Corinus, the vaulter of the civilwars. (Seneca, in Orat. Suasor. 1.; *Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.84. 1:229; *Plutarch, Antony, c.63. 9:281; *Dio, l.50. 5:485)
  25. Antony's fleet was twice defeated before the last great battle. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.84. 1:229) Just as they were going to the last battle, it was said that there was a captain of the foot soldiers, who was a valiant man and had fought many battles under Antony's command and had many scars on his body. In Antony's presence he cried out to him: "O noble emperor, why do you distrust these wounds and our swords and put your trust in these wooden ships? Let the Egyptians and Phoenicians fight by sea; give us permission to fight by land, where we would either die standing or to defeat our enemies."
  26. Antony did not reply but with his hand and countenance as it were he bid him be of good courage. Antony passed by without any great courage himself. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.63. 9:283)
  27. Of the Egyptian ships, Antony and Cleopatra only kept 60 and burnt the rest. They did not have enough solders to guard them because of the number of runaways and defeats. By night, they carried aboard all the things they had of most value. When the captains of the galleys in the battle would only have taken their oars and have left their sails, Antony compelled them to carry them with them and to put them on their ships. He said it must be done, lest any of his enemies should escape when by this means Antony was really providing a means to escape. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.63. 9:283; *Dio, l.50. 5:485.)
  28. Caesar had 200 warships and 30 without tiers of oars. His galleys for swiftness were like light ships. In the fleet were eight legions, besides five praetorian cohorts. Antony's fleet was 170 ships. Although they were fewer in number they were much larger in size and some had 10 tiers of oars. (Orosius, l.5. c.19.) Florus stated: (*Florus, l.4. c.11. 1:325) "We had 400 ships and the enemy had not less than 200 but what they lacked in number was made up for in size. All they had were from six to nine tiers of oars. Moreover, they were so raised with turrets and decks that they resembled castles and cities and made the sea groan under them and the wind out of breath to move them. There very size was there weakness."
  29. Caesar, in his commentaries, produced by Plutarch, denied these things concerning the number of Antony's ships. He said that he took 300 of them. Vegetius (Vegetius, de re militari, l.4. c.17.) stated the size may be calculated by the tiers of oars: "There met ships of six and more tiers of oars."
  30. Florus stated that: "Caesar's ships did not have more than three to six tiers and none larger."
  31. Strabo along with Plutarch and Dio positively said that Antony had some ships that had ten tiers. See Scaliger about this. (Scaliger, Eusebius, ad (Numbers 1230).)
  32. It was reported that Sextus Pompeius was defeated in Sicily by the larger size of Caesar's ships. Antony had built his ships much larger than his enemies. He had some of three tiers of oars but all the rest were from four to ten tiers. He also built high towers on them and put in them great numbers of men who would fight as it were from a wall. He put all the noble men he had with him on shipboard, lest if they were on their own, they may revolt from him [as Dellius and some others that fled to Caesar had done.] He also put on board some archers, slingers, and armed soldiers. (*Dio, l.50 5:485) He filled his best and largest ships, from three to ten tiers of oars, with 20,000 foot soldiers and 2000 archers. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.64. 9:283)
  33. When Caesar saw the preparations of the enemy and knew of his intentions from others, but especially from Dellius, he prepared also for the battle. (*Dio, l.50. 5:485) The first four days the sea was so rough that the battle was delayed. On the fifth day the sky cleared, and storm ceased and they came to battle. Antony and Poblicolus were in the right wing, Caelius in the left, the middle was M. Cotavia, and M. Justeius commanded. Caesar placed Agrippa in the left wing and he kept the right wing himself. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.65. 9:283) However Velleius Paterculus stated: (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.85. 1:229) "The right wing of the Caesar's ships was committed to M. Larius [or Lurius] and the left to Arruntius. Agrippa directed the whole battle by sea. Caesar was present anywhere, he felt the his presence was needed to help the battle. The command of Antony's fleet was committed to Publicola and Sosius."
  34. All historians agree on the commanders of the land forces. Taurus commanded Caesar's forces and Canidius commanded Antony's.
  35. Antony sailed about in a swift Pinnas ship and exhorted his soldiers and encouraged them to fight valiantly as if they were on firm land because the ships were so heavy and large. Antony ordered the captains of the galleys that they should receive their enemies' charge as if their ships were at anchor and that they stay in the mouth of the gulf. (Plutarch, Antony, c.65. 9:285)
  36. They reported that while it was yet dark, Caesar left his tent to visit his fleet. On his way he met an ass named Nicon [meaning Victor] and his driver Eutyohus [meaning Prosper]. After the victory, he erected their images in brass in a temple which he built in the very place where he had camped. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.96.; *Plutarch, Antony, c.65. 9:285) There happened also that as he was sacrificing before the fight, a beast that had a two livers was sacrified. (*Pliny, l.11. c.73. 3:551)
  37. Caesar went in a pinnace ship to the right wing of Antony's fleet, and wondered why the enemy lay so still in the gulf and thought that they were at anchor. As he kept his galleys, a little gale began to rise from the sea and Antony's soldiers began to be angry that they were withheld from fighting. They trusted in the huge size of their ships, as if they had been invincible. They advanced their left wing which Caesar's men began to fight with as soon as they left the gulf. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.65. 9:287)
  38. Caesar's ships were more agile and easier to manoeuvrer in battle, either to attack or retire. The enemy ships were heavy and unwieldy and many of Caesar's ships attacked each of them with arrows, rams and shot fire brands and overcame them. (*Florus, l.4. c.21. 1:325) On the other side, Antony's soldiers, shot with their crossbows from the wooden towers, arrows and stones. They also cast grappling irons on the enemy's ships if they came too near. If the irons grabbed, they overcame the enemy, otherwise they made a hole in their own ships and sank them! This is how the sea battle went. Both sides used various methods to stir up the skill and courage of their soldiers. They also heard the cries of those land soldiers that heartened them on crying, "Courage!" (*Dio, l.50. 5:505,507; Plutarch, Antony, c.66. 9:287)
  39. Agrippa extended one of his wings to surround the enemy. Poblicola, on the other side was also forced to widen his wing and so was divided from his main body. Antony was attacked and fought with Arrantius but on equal terms. Cleopatra who had been in suspense for a long time as what to do and now feared the they might lose the battle, signalled her ships. She in a galley whose poop deck was of gold and her sails of purple along with 60 of the swiftest Egyptian ships, hoisted their main sails. They had a good wind and set sail for Peloponesus. As soon as Antony saw the ships of Cleopatra under sail, he forgot everything and embarked in a galley with five tiers of oars. He removed the ensign from the admiral's galley and followed his fleeing wife accompanied only by Alexander, Syrian and Scellius. (*Florus. l.4. c.21. 1:327; *Plutarch, Antony, c.66. 9:287,289; *Dio, l.50. 5:505-509; Orosius, l.6. c.19.) Thus the general, who should punish runaways, deserted his own army. No doubt he would have ordered the victory according to the wishes of Cleopatra, who caused his flight at her command. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.85. 1:229,231)
  40. When Cleopatra saw that Antony was coming, she lifted up a sign from her ship and Antony was taken on board. He did not see her nor was seen by her but went and sat down alone in the prow of the ship. He never said a word and clapped both his hands over his head. (Plutarch, Antony, c.67. 9:289)
  41. Antony's soldiers were astonished by the flight of their general, and began also to think of fleeing. Some hoisted sail and others cast the towers and tacklings of their ships into the sea so that the lightened ships could flee faster. Caesar's soldiers, who had no sails on their ships and were only prepared for a naval battle, did not follow those who fled. They attacked those that were preparing to flee [for now they were equal to their enemies in number.] They surrounded each of the ships of their enemies and with many of their own, they fought with them close by and who were afar off. (*Dio, l.50. 5:509) Antony's soldiers were very brave for a long time after their general was gone and when they despaired of victory, they fought so that they might die. Caesar tried to pacify them with words whom he might have killed with his sword. He shouted to them telling them that Antony had fled and demanded of them for whom and with whom they fought. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.85. 1:231) Finally he was forced to order fire to be brought from the camp for now there was no other way of getting the full victory. He had refrained from setting fire to the ships in hope of getting the enemies' treasure. Caesar's men could not control themselves when the enemy's ships were on fire much less do any more harm to their enemies. They sailed to them and with desire of getting money, they endeavoured to quench the fire. Many perished by being burned with their ships and in fighting with their enemies. (*Dio, l.50. 5:511-515)
  42. When the fleet of Antony had long resisted Caesar and was seriously damaged with the waves which beat against the prows of their ships, they were defeated about the tenth hour. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.88. 9:293) Thus the soldiers when they had long fought for their absent general, at last very unwillingly laid down their arms and surrendered. Caesar soon gave them life and pardon to those before they even could be persuaded to ask for it. It was generally granted that the soldiers performed the parts of an excellent general, and the general of a cowardly soldier. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.85. 1:231)
  43. From the fifth hour [as Orosius says] to the seventh, the battle on both sides went without any clear outcome. However, the rest of the day with the following night, Caesar got the upper hand (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) for the battle continued until late at night so that the conqueror was forced to stay on board all night. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.17.)
  44. The battle at Actium was fought when Caesar and Messala Corvinus were consuls. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.84. 1:227) on the second of September. From this time begins the empire of Caesar as in the beginning of his 51st book of Dio. In another place Dio said his reign lasted 44 years (*Dio, l.56. 7:68) less 13 days the time between his death on the 19th of August and the second of September when he started to rule. Both of those days are excluded after which custom of Suetonius (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.8.) Aurelius Victor and Eutropius are to be followed when as they say that he alone governed the state a full 44 years.
  45. As soon as it was day, Caesar completed his victory. 12,000 of the conquered were killed and 6000 or 7000 wounded of whom 1000 died of their wounds. (Orosius, l.6. c.19) Plutarch stated that not more than 5000 died and 300 ships were captured. The remains of this huge armada, was carried in its wrecks up and down over the whole sea. For the seas being cleared with the wind and did daily wash up on the shores gold and purple from the spoils of the Arabians and Sabeans and a thousand other countries of Asia. (Florus, l.4. c.21. 1:327)
  46. This famous naval battle was so much spoken of by the poets of that time. (Virgil, Aeneid, l.8; Ovid, Metamorphos. 15.; Horace, Epod. 9. ad Moecenatem; Propertius, l.4. Elog. 6. ) Propertius has this memorable saying: The cause it is the soldier animates, Which if not good, his courage shame abates.
  47. The rejoiner is that what Messala Corvinus is reported to have said, when he was commended by Caesar [with whom he was colleague this year in the consulship.] He said that although he was his utter enemy in Brutus' rebellion, yet he had done very good service for Caesar in the battle of Actium. "O Caesar, you shall always find me of the better and juster party. (*Plutarch, Brutus, c.53. 6:247)
  48. From the spoils of the enemy, Caesar dedicated ten ships to Apollo from Actium, from a ship of one tier of oars up to a ship with ten. (*Strabo, l.7. p. 301; *Dio, l.51. 6:5)
  49. Caesar sent part of his fleet in pursuit of Antony and Cleopatra. When they could not overtake them, they returned. (*Dio, l.6. 6:5) Some lighter ships overtook Antony which he repulsed. Only Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, the son of Lacharis who was beheaded by Antony for thievery, shook a lance at him from the deck of the ship as if he should have thrown it at him. He did not attack Antony's ship but he struck another galley of the admiral with his prow [for there were two of them.] He turned her round and captured her and another ship which was loaded with very rich items and baggage. (Plutarch. Antony, c.67. 9:289,291)
  50. After he was gone, Antony returned to his former silence and resumed his previous posture. After he had spent three days thus in the prow of the ship, he was either smitten with anger or shame. He arrived at Taenarus where Cleopatra's women first brought them to speak to each other and later they ate and slept together. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.67. 9:291)
  51. Many merchant ships arrived there and some of Antony's friends who had escaped by flight, brought news that indeed the fleet was scattered but they thought that the land forces were intact. Antony sent messengers to Canidius and ordered him that as quickly as possible, he should retire with the army through Macedonia into Asia. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.67. 9:291)
  52. Many of the army on land did not know of Antony's flight. When they heard of it, it seemed incredible that he should flee and leave behind him 19 whole legions of foot soldiers and 12,000 cavalry. His soldiers hoped that he would again appear somewhere else. They showed so much loyalty to him that when his flight was certainly known, they stayed seven days and rejected the messengers who were sent to them by Caesar. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.68. 9:293)
  53. Caesar overtook them as they were marching into Macedonia and without fighting, joined them to himself. (*Dio, l.51. 6:5) When it was night, the general Canidius left the camp and in all haste fled to Antony. They were destitute of all things and betrayed by their leaders so they joined themselves to the conqueror (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.86. 1:231; *Plutarch, Antony, 9:293) who added them to his own army. (*Dio, l.51. 6:5,7)
  54. Many of the Roman nobility even then fled to Antony but the auxiliaries fled into their own countries and never after this waged war against Caesar. They along with all the people who were formerly subject to the Romans, over the space of time accepted the conditions of peace from Caesar. (*Dio, l.51. 6:5,6)
  55. Caesar demanded money from the cities and took from them the power over the citizens which they usurped in the councils of the people. He took from the kings and governors, all the towns they had received from Antony, except for Amyntas and Archelaus. He disposed, Philopater the son of Tarcondimotus, [the prince of Cilicia], Lycomedes who obtained the kingdom of Pontus in part of Cappadocia and Alexander the brother of Jamblichus, who had received a kingdom in Arabia. Alexander had received his kingdom for accusing Caesar. He gave the country of Lyconmedis to Medius, who was the instigator of the revolt of the Mysians of Asia from Antony. He granted freedom to the Cydonians and Lampaeans [in Crete,] because they helped him. He rebuilt the city of the Lampaeans which was destroyed. The senators and equestrians and other noble men, who had in any way helped Antony, were either fined or put to death or pardoned. (*Dio, l.51. 6:6)
  56. Among those that he granted life to, was Sosius. He had often made war against Caesar but fled and hid and was later found. Caesar let him go free. Caesar spared M. Scaurus, the half brother of Sextus Pompeius, who also was appointed to death, for his mother Murcia's sake. Among those who were put to death, was Curio the son of that Curio whose help Caesar the dictator often used and his father Aquilles Flori. Caesar only ordered the one who drew the lot to die. Before the lots were cast, the son offered to die and was executed. The father from great grief killed himself over his dead son's body. (*Dio, l.51. 6:7,9)
  57. Cassius Parmensis fled to Athens. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.1. c.87. 1:235) Horace mention him (Horace, l.3. epist. 4) as asking of Albius Tibullus the poet, if he means him: "What, write to excel Parmensis Cassius?"
  58. Of Cassius' poems, "Orpheus" is thought to be one, which is recorded by Achilles Statius, at the end of the commentaries on the book of Suetonius, a famous rhetorician. A poem also called "Brutus" is cited by Varro. (Varro, de lingua Latina, l.5.) It stated that Cassius was terrified at Athens with such a ghost, as was said to have appeared to Brutus before the battle at Philippi. Valerius noted in these words in the previous place. In the dead of the night as he lay in bed, his mind was wrought with grief and cares. He thought that he saw coming to him, a very large man. He was of a black hew with an ugly beard and long hair. When Cassius asked who he was, he answered, xakodaimona. He was terrified with so horrible a vision and a more horrid name. He called his servants and asked them if they saw anyone coming or going. They replied that no one came there and he went back to bed. However, the same vision was always in his mind. Therefore, he gave up trying to sleep and ordered a light to be brought in and forbid his servants to leave him. Valerius added that a short time later after this night, he was executed by Caesar. He was among the last that were put to death for the murder of Julius Caesar as Trebonius was the first to die. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.87. 1:235; Orosius, l.6. c.19.) This we know from the previous account of Valerius Maximus, which was done at Athens a little after the victory at Actium.
  59. At that time, Caesar sailed to Athens and was appeased with the Greeks, he distributed the grain that was left in the war to the cities which suffered from famine and were despoiled of money, servants, and horses. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.68. 9:295)
  60. Antony wanted to leave Tenarus for Africa and selected one good cargo ship to hold his enormous treasure. He gave the other rich plate of gold and silver to his friends and ordered them to divide it among them and to shift for themselves. They refused and were in tears. He very courteously comforted them and finally dismissed those who would provide for themselves. He wrote letters to Theophilus, the governor of Corinth, that he would keep them safe and give them some hiding place until they might make their peace with Caesar. Theophilus was the father of Hypparchus, who was greatly respected by Antony and the first of his freed men who defected to Caesar and later went and lived at Corinth. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.67. 9:291,293)
  61. So that Cleopatra might safely sail to Egypt, she put crowns on the prows of her ships and ordered those songs to be sung on a pipe that are usually sung after obtaining a victory. (*Dio, l. 51. 6:17)
  62. When they arrived safely in Egypt, she put to death many noble men who were always her enemies. At that time they were elated over her defeat. She took what they had, including the sacrifices to their gods and even from temples. She got an enormous amount of money this way and she prepared an army and sought after foreign mercenaries. She hoped to make an alliance with the king of Media and she sent to him the head of the king of Armenia, [Artavasdes or Artabazes.] (*Dio, l.51. 6:17)
  63. She also embarked on a bold and great enterprise. She planned to have her fleet cross over the isthmus which divides the Red Sea from Egypt which is thought to divide Africa from Asia. It is about 38 miles at its narrowest point. She sent her forces into the Arabian Gulf with a great amount of money, so that she might find some remote country with her ships and so be free from slavery and war. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.69. 9:297) However, the first ships which were carried over and others that were built for sailing into the Red Sea were burnt by the inhabitants of Arabia Pesora by the instigation of Q. Didius the governor of Syria. (*Plutarch, Antony, c. 69. 9:297; *Dio, l.51. 6:19,21)
  64. Antony came into Africa and went into a desert. He wandered up and down with only his two friends, Aristocrates a Greek rhetorician, and Luculius, a Roman. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.69. 9:295) After he had sent some to Pinarius Scarpus and the army which he had previously raised for the defence of Egypt, the general told them that he would not entertain Antony and killed those who were sent to him and also put to death some soldiers who disagreed with his actions. (*Dio, l.51., 6:17)
  65. When Antony knew of this revolt, he planned to kill himself but was prevented by his friends. He went to Alexandria and still thought that the legions at Actium were intact. [Canidius later brought him news that this was not so.] Therefore, Cleopatra abandoned her plans of sailing into the Red Sea and fortified with garrisons the mouths of the Nile River instead. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.69. 9:297)
  66. But Antony left the city and the company of his friends and built an house on the sea by the isle of Pharos. He created a mound in the sea to build on. He lived there as a banished man from all men and said he would lead the life of Timon misanqrwpou, "the man hater", because his condition was so like to his. He was abused by his friends and had experienced their ingratitude. Therefore he would trust no man and was angry with all men and called his house, "Timonium." (*Plutarch, Antony, c.69. 9:295; *Strabo, l.17. 8:39)
  67. Herod sent to Antony and advised him to put Cleopatra to death. He said, if that were done in a timely manner, Antony could enjoy her estate and obtain from Caesar easier conditions of peace. (Josephus, l.15. c.10.)
  68. Caesar dismissed his old soldiers and Antony's army into Italy. He gave them nothing and the rest he sent into various places. He was afraid lest those who were companions of his victory and were dismissed without any reward, should raise any seditions. He sent Agrippa after them into Italy as if it were on some other business. He settled the affairs of Greece, as if there were no danger to be expected from those soldiers who were discharged. He went into Asia and settled things there. He awaited what Antony would do. (*Dio, l.51. 6:9,11)
  69. All the people and kings denied to send any help to Antony and Cleopatra, [although many of them had received generous favours from them both.] The gladiators were a people of most abject condition and were brought up at Cyzicum by Antony, to hold triumphal plays when Caesar was defeated. [See Appian on 35 BC.] They valiantly fought for them. As soon as they knew what had happened, they decided to go to Egypt to help them. Their journey upset Amyntas in Galatia and the sons of Tarcondimotus in Cilicia, who formerly had been good friends to Antony and Cleopatra, but had revolted from them. Also Q. Didius, the governor of Syria forbid them to go through his land. They were boxed in and could not go into Egypt and could not cause a revolt in Syria. Although Didius gave them many good promises, they sent for Antony to come to them. They thought that they might the more easily wage war in Syria if Antony was with them. Antony did not go nor send any messengers to them. They unwillingly yielded to Didius on the condition that they would never fight as gladiators again. Didius gave them, Daphne, a suburb of Antioch, to live in, until he had known what Caesar wanted to do. (*Dio, l.51. 6:21)
  70. To suppress these gladiators, Didius wrote to Caesar, that there were troops sent to him by Herod. Caesar talked about this with Herod where he said that (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.15.) Ventidius had written to him that you have helped him against the gladiators. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.15.) Again he wrote that Capidius had written to him how much Herod had helped him in the war against the monarchs of Syria. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.10.) In the previous place I have written "gladiators" for "monarchs." So it is clear, that in both places for "Ventidius" and "Capidius", the name of Q. Didius is to be written. By this action, news came to Antony at his house, Timonium that Herod the Jew with some legions and cohorts had defected to Caesar. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.71. 9:301)
  71. Many things were decreed at Rome in honour of Caesar for his victory at sea. A triumph was given to him for Cleopatra and a triumphal arch at Brundusium and another one in the Roman forum. The base of the Julian temple should be decorated with the prows of captured ships. Every fifth year, plays were held in honour of him. There should always be processions on his birthday and on the day the news was first brought of his victory. The vestal virgins, senate and their wives and children, should go and meet him as he entered the city. All the ornaments of Antony should be pulled down and demolished. His birthday should be considered an unlucky day. An edict was passed that none of that family should have the first name of Marcus. (*Dio, l.51. 6:51,53)
  72. Caesar retired to Samos to winter there. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.17.) Antony had taken away the three great colossal statues of Myron that stood on one base. Caesar replaced two of them on the same base, namely, Minerva and Hercules. He carried Jupiter into the capitol and made a temple just for it. (*Strabo, l.14. 6:213,215)
  73. When Caesar viewed the prisoners there, Metellus, an old man was brought out. He had long hair and otherwise deformed by reason of his hard life. When the crier was called his name as he stood among the prisoners, his son, who was one of Caesar's captains, leaped from his seat and went and embraced him with tears whom he barely knew. Then he stopped weeping and he said: "My father, O Caesar, was an enemy to you, I a companion. He has deserved punishment, I a reward. I desire that either you would grant my father his life for my sake or put me to death together with him."
  74. Caesar began to pity them and granted Metellus life although he was his mortal enemy and had spurned many previous offers to defect from Antony. (*Appian. l.4. c.42. 4:211,213)
  75. Antony left his cottage by the sea which he called Timonium and went to the palace. He was entertained by Cleopatra and he turned all the city to revelling and banqueting and liberally gave gifts. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.71. 9:301) He enrolled Caesarion, the son of Caesar and Cleopatra, among the young men. He gave his own son Antyllus by Fulvia the virile gown, without the purple hem. He did this so that the Egyptians might be more cheerful by having a man to reign over them and the rest that should have them for commanders should be more satisfied if anything should happen to Antony and Cleopatra. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.71. 9:301; *Dio, l.51. 6:17,19)
  76. Thereupon there was huge feastings and banquetings at Alexandria for many days. However, they turned this meeting into another nothing inferior to the other in delights, luxury, and splendour, which they called Suuapbanoumhwwn or of: "Those who will die together."
  77. This was for the friends of those who would die together. They registered their names and passed the time in pleasures and in feasting when it came round to everyone's turn. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.71. 9:301)
  78. Moreover, Cleopatra gathered various sorts of deadly poisons. She tested them on condemned persons and animals and watched how they died. She did this daily and among all that she found that the biting of the asp was the only way to die. It only brought a sleepiness and heaviness on one without any spasms or pain. It caused only a gentle sweating of the face and a languishing stupidity of the senses. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.71. 9:301,303)
  79. Although Antony and Cleopatra prepared as if they would make war both by sea and land, yet also provided for an alternative plan. If on any urgent necessity, they might set sail for Spain and hoped that they could cause a revolt with their money. Otherwise, they would go to the Red Sea. (*Dio, l.51. 6:19) "of whose preparation to flee into the ocean" (*Florus, l.2. c.11. 1:327)
3974 AM, 4684 JP, 30 BC
  1. Caesar entered into his fourth consulship in Asia. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.26.) He, for the sixth time, is called emperor and was now for the fourth time consul with Marcus Licinius Crassus. Caesar came to Brundusium (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) after he was recalled to Italy by letters written by Agrippa from Rome (*Plutarch, Antony, c.73. 9:305) to repress a sedition of the soldiers who demanding rewards for their services. They were discharged after the victory at Actium from the whole number Caesar had sent before to Brundusium. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.17.)
  2. In crossing the seas, Caesar was twice bothered by storms, first between the cape of Peloponesus and Aetolia and again by the Caraunian Mountains. In both places, some of his smaller ships were lost and the tackling was ripped and the helm broken in his ship. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.17.)
  3. Caesar came to Brundusium in the middle of winter but went no farther. He was met by the whole senate [the tribunes of the people had appointed two praetors for the government of the city by a decree of the senate,] with the equestrians and great many of the people along with many others. Those very soldiers came there also, some through fear [of so large a crowd and of Caesar himself], whom Germanicus said (Tacitus, Annals, l.1. c.42.) "That he daunted the Actian legion with his look."
  4. Some came and hoped for pay while others were sent for. Caesar gave some of them money and he gave lands to some that had been with him in all his wars. (*Dio, l.51. 6:13)
  5. Suetonius wrote that he did not stay at Brundusium more than 27 days until he had settled his business with the soldiers. Dio said that he went into Greece again on the 31st day after he came into Italy. Because it was winter, the ships were brought over the isthmus of Peloponesus. He so quickly came into Asia that Cleopatra and Antony heard of his departure and return at the same time. (*Dio, l.51. 6:15:17)
  6. Antony sent to Herod, Alexas or Alexander, a Laodicean, who had been made know to him at Rome by Timagenes who had more influence on Antony than any other Greek. Alexas was to prevent Herod from defecting to Caesar but Alexas betrayed Antony and stayed with Herod. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.72. 9:303)
  7. Alexandra hoped that Herod would be thoroughly punished by Caesar, who was his enemy. She solicited her father Hyrcanus that he would not allow this affliction of their family but that he would hope for better things. She counselled him also that he should ask protection from Malchus, the king of Arabia. Hyrcanus first found these suggestions repulsive. Finally, he was overcome with her constant pleadings and entertained better things and contemplated the treachery of Herod. He sent letters to the Arabian, by Dositheus, a friend of his, that he should send cavalry. These would escort him to the Dead Sea which was about 40 miles from Jerusalem. Dositheus was a relative to Joseph who was put to death by Herod. His brothers were also put to death among others at Tyre by Antony. Nevertheless, to curry favour with the king, he showed him the letter. Herod thanked him and asked for a favour. He wanted him to put a new seal on the letter and deliver it to Malchus and get his reply. The Arabian wrote word back that he was ready to help Hyrcanus and his family and all the Jews that were of that faction. He would send a band of soldiers who would conduct him in safety and would obey him in all matters. After Herod had also received this letter, he summoned Hyrcanus. He asked him if he had any alliance with Malchus and Hyrcanus denied it. Herod showed the letters in the council of the sanhedrim and ordered him to be put to death. Thus are these matters are recorded in Herod's commentaries but are stated otherwise by others for they say that Hyrcanus was not put to death for this crime but for some other treasons against the king. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c. 9.)
  8. Antony and Cleopatra sent ambassadors to Caesar to Asia. Cleopatra asked for the kingdom of Egypt for her children and Antony asked that he might lead a private life in Athens. If that was not granted then he wished to live in Egypt. Because of the lack of friends and the distrust which they felt because of defections, Antony sent Euphroneus, his sons' school teacher as a ambassador. (Plutarch, Antony, c.72. 9:303) Cleopatra, without Antony's knowledge sent Caesar a gold sceptre, a gold crown and a golden chair as if she were delivering her kingdom over to him. If he really hated Antony, she hoped he might have some pity on her. Caesar accepted the presents, accounting them as good omens but gave Antony no answer. He truly publicly threatened Cleopatra and replied that if she would lay aside her arms and her kingdom, he would then advise what was fitting to be done with her. Privately he promised her impunity and her kingdom if she would put Antony to death. (*Dio, l.51. 6:19,21)
  9. After Herod had executed Hyrcanus, he sent a message to Caesar. Herod saw that his friendship he had shown to Antony would not help him. He suspected Alexandra might use this opportunity to incite the people to rebel and fill the kingdom with domestic seditions. Therefore he committed the care of the kingdom to his brother Pheroras and he left his mother Cyproes, sister Salome and all his family in the citadel of Masada. He ordered his brother that if anything untoward should happen, he should assume the government of the kingdom. He placed his wife Mariamme, who could not get along with his mother, in Alexandrion with her mother Alexandra. Herod committed their custody to his treasurer, Joseph and Sohemus, an Iturian. They were men that had always been faithful to him and were now appointed to this duty to honour them. However, he ordered that if they should certainly know that any sinister mishap befell him, that they should quickly kill both the ladies and to the utmost of their power, continue the kingdom for his children, and his brother Pheroras. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.9.)
  10. After giving these commands, Herod sent to Rhodes to meet with Caesar there. When Herod arrived, he only laid aside his crown but retained his other princely attire. He was admitted into Caesar's presence with great constancy and magnanimity of spirit. He freely confessed the alliance he had with Antony and also the help he sent Antony of grain and money. The Arabian war prevented him from helping him in person. Moreover, he added that he was ready to be a faithful friend of Caesar. Caesar exhorted him and restored his crown to him and exceedingly honoured him. Thus beyond all expectations, Herod was again confirmed in his kingdom by the free gift of Caesar and by a decree of the senate which Caesar obtained for him. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.10. Wars, l.1. c.15.) Strabo also notes: (Strabo, l.16. 7:299) "He excelled his ancestors so much especially in friendship with the Romans that he was declared king, first by Antony and later by Caesar granting the same authority to him."
  11. Also we read: (Tacitus, Histories, l.5. c.9.) "When Augustus was conqueror, he enlarged Herod's kingdom that was given to him by Antony."
  12. Herod gave presents to Caesar and also to his friends beyond his ability, to show his generosity. He endeavoured also to secure the pardon for Alexas or Alexander, the Laodicean, who was sent to him from Antony but he was unable to. Caesar had sworn that he would punish him [for he had been the most strong defender of Antony of all the machinations that Cleopatra used against Octavia.] Therefore, Alexas relied on Herod's good reception and dared to come into Caesar's presence. He was soon taken and carried in bonds into his own country and there executed by Caesar's orders. This was during the lifetime of Antony whom he had betrayed. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.10. Wars, l.1. c.15.; *Plutarch, Antony, c.62,9:303,305)
  13. Antony and Cleopatra sent other ambassadors to Caesar. Cleopatra promised Caesar through them an enormous amount money and Antony reminded him of the friendship and family ties which were between them and excused the familiarity that he had with the Egyptian woman. Antony recalled their previous alliance between them and the deeds which they had done in their youth. Moreover, he turned over to Caesar, Q. Turullius a senator who was one of Caesar's murderers and then his friend. Antony promised also that he would kill himself if by so doing that he might obtain security for Cleopatra. Caesar executed Turullius on the isle of Cos where Turullius had felled trees for ship timber from Aesculapius' grove. Caesar did not reply to Antony. (*Dio, l.51. 6:23)
  14. In the absence of Herod, his wife, Mariamme and his mother-in-law, Alexandra were very unhappy in being confined to that citadel as if in prison so that they could neither enjoy their estate nor make use of other men's goods. They were very upset when Mariamme used her feminine flatteries and had fished out of Sohemus what Herod had ordered him concerning them. She then began to wish that he would never return home and her life with him would be intolerable. She did not hide her discontent but openly said what it was that bothered her. Herod had returned beyond all expectations and told Mariamme the successes he had. She did not seem to take notice and she would sigh at all the caresses that he made. Hence Herod plainly knew the hatred of his wife against him and was wavering between love and hatred toward her. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.11.)
  15. Before Caesar went with his army into Egypt, he went into Syria. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.11; Suetonius, c.17.; *Plutarch, Antony, c.64. 9:307; Orosius)
  16. Phraates and Tiridates fought over the kingdom of Parthia and asked help from Caesar. He did not reply directly but he said he would consider it another time because of the problems in Egypt. Indeed he did nothing and hoped the civilwar in Parthia would weaken both sides. (*Dio, l.51. 6:51)
  17. C. Merius, was a centurion who in the war against Antony had done outstanding exploits. He was surrounded by surprise by an ambush of his enemies and brought to Alexandria before Antony. He asked what was suitable to be done with him. The centurion replied: "Order to have my throat cut, for neither can I sufficiently be induced by gifts nor for fear of death, to stop being Caesar's soldier or to start being yours."
  18. Antony pardoned him for his outstanding character. (Valerius Maximus, l.3. c.8.)
  19. Antony and Cleopatra thought it best that their children should be sent ahead to the Red Sea with part of the queen's treasure. (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) They placed garrisons in the two corner coasts of Egypt at Pelusium, and Paraetonium and prepared a fleet and forces to start the war again. (Orosius, l.6. c.19.; *Florus, l.4. c.21. 1:327)
  20. Antony sent a third embassy to Caesar and his son, Antyllus with much gold. Caesar sent him back again without either granting his embassy or giving any answer. However, he took his gold. Caesar told Cleopatra for the third time the same numerous threats and promises. (*Dio, l. 51. 6:25)
  21. To win over Cleopatra to him, Caesar sent to her Thyreus or Thyrsus who was his freed man and was very discreet. (*Dio, l.51. 6:25; *Plutarch, Antony, c.63. 9:305) Caesar was afraid lest Antony and Cleopatra despair of a pardon and should persist in their intention. They would either defeat him by their own strength or else go into Spain or Gaul or Cleopatra would burn all the treasures that she had stored in her tomb as she had threatened to do. Therefore he sent Thyrsus, who conferred very courteously with Cleopatra and told her that Caesar was in love with her. He hoped that she who had a mind to have all men in love with her, would kill Antony to save herself and her money. (*Dio, l.50. 6:25)
  22. Caesar marched against Antony through Syria and his lieutenant through Libya. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.64. 9:307) Cornelius Gallus was sent by Caesar ahead of him with four legions of Scarpas, which were at Cyrene to guard that place. They suddenly attacked and captured Paraetonium which is an important city of Egypt near the border of Libya. (*Dio, l.51. 6:25; Orosius, l.6. c.19.)
  23. When Antony found out about this defeat, he changed his plans of going into Syria to the gladiators. He marched toward Paraetonium and hoped that he would easily draw those forces from Gallus to himself. He knew that they were kindly disposed toward him because they had been soldiers together. If that failed then he would win them by force for he brought with him large naval and land forces. Antony was not even able to talk to these soldiers because Gallus made all the trumpeters to sound so that no one could hear anything. In addition, he received some losses by a sudden sally and his fleet was defeated also. Gallus had at night laid a chain cross the mouth of the harbour which was hidden underwater. He held the port with a guard that was hidden and allowed Antony's ships to boldly sail into the harbour in contempt of him. When the ships were in the harbour, he raised the chains up by certain engines to prevent the ships from leaving. Then he either burnt or sunk the ships which were attacked on every side by sea and land and also from the houses. (*Dio, l.51. 6:27)
  24. Herod entertained Caesar very royally at Ptolemais, as he journeyed through Syria into Egypt. He showed all hospitality toward his army and gave them plenty of supplies. By this he became one of Caesar's best friends and was accustomed to ride about with him when he mustered his army. Herod also entertained Caesar and his friends with the service of 150 men who were clothed in most rich and sumptuous apparel. He did not allow them to lack anything on their march to Pelusium, although those places were barren and lacked water. Caesar's army lacked neither wine nor water which the soldiers appreciated. He also gave Caesar 800 talents. Indeed, he gave such a good reception they confessed that it was more than the kingdom could afford. (Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.15., Antiq. l.15. c.10.)
  25. Thyrus [or Thyreas] convinced Cleopatra that Caesar was in love with her. She desired it to be true because she had enslaved in the same way both Caesar's father and Antony. Therefore, she hoped not only for a pardon and the kingdom of Egypt but even the Roman Empire. (*Dio, l.51. 6:27) Antony took Thyreas who was extremely honoured by her and whipped him soundly and then sent him back to Caesar. He wrote that he did this because he was provoked by his insulting pride. Antony who was easily provoked because of this bad fortune, said: "If you [Caesar] do not like this, you have Hipparchus, my freed man. Hang him up and whip him then we shall be even."
  26. To remove all jealousies and suspicions, Cleopatra wonderfully honoured Antony. In the past she had modestly kept her birthday but she celebrated his birthday with the greatest splendour and magnificence that she could. Many were invited to the feast. They came poor and went away rich. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.63. 9:305)
  27. It was reported that Caesar took Pelusium by force, but it was really through the treachery of Cleopatra. (*Dio, l.51,6:27,29) There was a common report that this town was given to Caesar by Seleucus with her consent. To clear herself, she turned over Seleucus' wife and children to Antony so he could execute his revenge on them. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.64. 9:307) When he was defeated by Cornelius Gallus at Paraetonium, and immediately after that at Pharos, (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) he returned to Alexandria.
  28. Cleopatra had storehouses and monuments built. They were very exquisite and high. These were joined to the temple of Isis and she stored there the most precious things of all her royal treasures, like gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, and cinnamon, and last of all great supply of lamps and flax. Thereupon, Caesar was afraid that he would loose such riches and that in despair she would burn them. He daily gave her good hopes while he marched with his army toward the city. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.64. 9:307) She privately forbid the citizens of Alexandria from attacking Caesar when publicly she encouraged them to do battle with him. (*Dio, l.51. 6:27)
  29. Caesar took up his position near the hippodrome with his army and Antony sallied out and fought valiantly and routed Caesar's cavalry. He drove them even to the camp. He was encouraged by this victory and he entered the palace and kissed Cleopatra, in his armour. He recommended to her a man that had fought most valiantly. Cleopatra rewarded the man with solid gold armour and headpiece. That night after he had received these, he defected to Caesar. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.64. 9:307)
  30. Antony shot messages into Caesar's camp and promised each soldier 1500 drachmas or denarii. Caesar voluntarily read these letters to the soldiers and by this means made Antony more hated. Caesar tried to make them feel ashamed for the suggested treachery and enthusiasm for himself. Thereupon the soldiers became exceedingly angry that their fidelity was tempted and they behaved so valiantly that Antony fought in a battle with only his foot soldiers and was soundly defeated. (*Dio, l.51. 6:29) Another historian also mentions this: (*Strabo, l.17. 8:43) "As one goes through the hippodrome, he comes to Nicopolis, which is a settlement on the sea no smaller than a city. It is about 4 miles from Alexandria. Caesar Augustus honoured this place because here he defeated those in a fight, who made a sally out against him with Antony."
  31. After this, Antony, through his ambassadors challenged Caesar to a single battle. Caesar replied that Antony had many ways to die. Therefore Antony thought that he could most honourably die by being killed in battle. He determined to attack Caesar by sea and land. At supper [as it is reported] he bid his servants that they should drink and feast themselves heartily for it was uncertain what they should do tomorrow or should serve other masters if he was dead and gone. This made Antony's friends weep. Antony told them he would not lead them out to fight since he sought an honourable death for himself rather than to return with victory and honour. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.65. 9:309)
  32. About the middle of that night when the whole city was quiet and depressed for fear and expectation of what was coming, it was reported that suddenly, there was heard sweet music of all kinds of instruments. There was the sound a large number of people, as at the feasts of Bacchus and satyr-like frisking and dancing, as if indeed it had been the feast of Bacchus himself, [whom Dionysius used to feign his father.] The noise was so loud and that this very large gathering seemed to be located almost in the very middle of the city. It moved toward that gate which led to the enemy outside. They finally passed through this gate and so vanished. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.65. 9:309)
  33. Dio reported that besides this many other prodigies foreshadowed the bondage of Egypt. He said it rained in those places which never had rain before. It was not just water but blood mixed with the drops. This was not the only sign. There were flashes of armour from the clouds as this rain fell. A dragon of an incredible size was suddenly seen among the Egyptians which hissed horribly. There appeared also comets and the ghosts of the dead. The statues seemed to be sorrowful and Apis made a mournful lowing and shed tears. (Dio, l.51. 6:47,51)
  34. On the first of August as soon as it was day, Antony went down to the harbour to order his fleet. (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) However, Cleopatra had caused the fleet to defect from him. (*Dio, l.51,6:29) For as soon as Antony's fleet had rowed near the other fleet, they greeted Caesar's soldiers and defected to them. They combined all the ships into one fleet and came to attack the city. While Antony saw this, his cavalry deserted him as did his foot soldiers. He retired into the city and cried that he was betrayed by Cleopatra, for whom he had taken up arms. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.66. 9:309,311)
  35. Cleopatra feared the anger and despair of Antony. She pretended that it was for fear of Caesar she had done this and that she would kill herself. She fled to her tomb with one eunuch and two maids. She sent a message to Antony that she was dead. He believed her and therefore desired his faithful servant Erotes [who had long ago promised that he would kill him if necessity required it,] that he would kill him. Erotes drew out his naked sword as if he would strike him but turned his face from him and killed himself. When he fell at Antony's feet, Antony said: "Noble Eros, has showed me what must be done by myself, but could not endure to do it for me."
  36. He stabbed himself in the belly and fell on a bed. The wound did not bring a speedy death for the blood stopped flowing after he laid down. When he was a little recovered, he desired those who stood around that they would thrust him through. They all fled from the chamber and left him crying and writhing in pain. Thereupon there was a great tumult made. When Cleopatra heard this, she looked out from the top of the tomb, for the door was so made that if it was once shut it could not be opened. Only the upper parts of it were not yet finished. She sent also Diomedes, her secretary, to bring Antony into the tomb to her. As soon as Antony knew that she was alive, he arose because he thought he might live. However, he despaired of life because of his excessive bleeding and was carried by the help of his servants to the door of the tomb as he requested. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.66,67. 9:311,313; *Dio, l.51. 6:31; Livy, l.133.; *Florus, l.4. c.11. 1:327; *Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.87. 1:235; *Strabo, l.17. 8:47; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.17.; Eutropius, l.7.; Orosius, l.6. c.19.)
  37. While this was happening, Dercetaeus one of his bodyguards, took Antony's sword and hid it and stole away and ran to Caesar. He was the first one who told him of Antony's death and showed him the sword all bloody. When Caesar heard this news, he withdrew himself into the innermost room of the tent, where he much bewailed Antony as his relative and colleague. He had been his companion in many battles and in the government of the empire. Then he took his letters and he called his friends together and read them to them. He showed them how proudly and rudely Antony had answered to all his mild and just demands. Then he sent Proculeius with orders to take Cleopatra alive if possible. Caesar was afraid to lose her treasure and also thought that she would be a magnificent trophy in his triumph if he could take her alive. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.68. 9:315)
  38. In the interim, Antony was drawn up into the monument by ropes which were hung for pulling the stones up. (*Dio, l.51,6:31) They say there was nothing more lamentable than this sight. Antony was all besmeared with blood and almost dead. He was tied to the ropes and drawn up by the great efforts of Cleopatra and the two servants who were with her. Those who underneath him, helped lift him up. Antony stretched out his hands to Cleopatra and lifted himself up as well as he could. As soon as Cleopatra had taken him in, she laid him on a bed. Then she tare off her head piece and beat her breasts and scratched her breasts and face with her own hands. She was all of a gore with blood and called him, "Lord", "Husband" and "Emperor." She almost forgot her own miseries in compassion for him. After Antony had a little appeased her grief, he called for some wine either because he was thirsty or because he thought it would hasten his death. After he had drank it, he advised her to take care of her own affairs and to save her life if she could without dishonour. He said that among all Caesar's friends, she could most trust Proculeius. She should not lament the miserable change of his fortune but rejoice for the great good fortune he had because he had been the most famous and powerful prince of all men. He was a Roman and was not cowardly defeated by a Roman. He died just as Proculeius came from Caesar. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.67. 9:313,315)
  39. Caesar sent C. Proculeius, who was an equestrian and Epaphroditus, his freed man. He told them both what they should say and do. However, Cleopatra feared that they would use her harshly and stayed in the tomb. She thought there was no other way she could procure her safety yet she might redeem her pardon and the kingdom of Egypt from Caesar by his fear of loosing her money. Caesar desired to get her money and to take Cleopatra alive so that he might carry her in triumph. In spite of this, he was unwilling to appear to have tricked her after he gave her a kind of pledge, since he wished to treat her as a captive and to a certain extent subdued against her will. (*Dio, l.51. 6:33) The Roman Empire
  40. Cleopatra would not commit herself into Proculeius' hands. However, she talked with him from the building as he stood on the outside at the door which was on level ground. Although the door was barred, he could hear what she said. In this meeting, she asked the kingdom for her children. Proculeius bid her to be of good cheer and refer all things to Caesar. When he had sufficiently surveyed the place, he told everything to Caesar who sent Gallus again to demand an answer from her. When he came to the door, he kept her talking on purpose. In the meantime, Proculeius set up ladders with two servants and got in at the window where the women took in Antony. He immediately went down to the door where Cleopatra sat talking with Gallus. As soon as she saw Proculeius, she tried to kill herself with a dagger she had on her belt. Proculeius came running and held her with both his hands and took the dagger from her. He shook her cloths for fear she had some poison hidden on her. Thus Plutarch relates the story. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.69 9:317) Dio relates it like this.
  41. C. Proculeius and Epaphroditus talked with Cleopatra and offered her very tolerable conditions. Suddenly, before she agreed to them, they laid hands on her and removed anything she might use to kill herself with. They allowed her some days so that she might stay there until she had embalmed Antony's body. Then they brought her into the palace and gave her the usual train of servants and honour so that by this she might hope that she would obtain what she desired and not harm herself. (*Dio. l.51. 6:33) As soon as Cleopatra was taken, an eunuch of hers, willingly put asps on himself and was bitten and fell into a grave which he had previously prepared for himself. (*Dio, l.51,6:39,41)
  42. At his first approach, Caesar conquered Alexandria which was a most rich and large city. (Livy, l.133.; *Strabo, l.17. 8:23; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.17.; Orosius, l.6. c.19.) As he entered Alexandria, he talked with Areius Alexandrinus, a philosopher. Caesar took him by the right hand so his country men would honour him the more when they saw him so honoured by Caesar. (Plutarch, Antony, c.70. 9:319) Caesar had been his student in philosophy and was very well acquainted with him and his two sons, Dionysius and Nicanor. (Seneca, de Clement; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.89.; Plutarch, in Politic; *Dio, l.51. 6:45, l.52. 6:175; Julian Caesar, in Octavian) &&& Areius - The Alexandrian Philosopher, is honoured by Octavian
  43. Then he went into the gymnasium and he ascended a tribunal which was set up on purpose for him. He ordered the citizens to rise, who for fear were fallen on their knees before him. In a speech, he freely pardoned all the people for three reasons. [He spoke in Greek so everyone could understand him.] He pardoned them for their great god Serapis' sake, for the greatness of the city and for his friend Areius' sake. Likewise, he pardoned all the Egyptians because he was unwilling that so many men should be put to death who in many other things had done good service for the Romans. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.70. 9:319; *Dio, l.51. 6:45; Julian, epist. 51. ad Alexand.)
  44. At the request of Arieus, he pardoned many including among others Philostratus, who was he an ablest sophister of his time. However, he incorrectly said he belonged to the school of the Academic. Therefore Caesar hated his manners and rejected his request. Therefore, Philostratus let his beard grow long and followed Areius in mourning, always repeating this verse: &&& Areius - By his entreaties Octavian pardoned Phiostratus "The wise, while wise, a good safety has."
  45. When Caesar heard of this, he pardoned him so that he might rather free Areius from envy, rather than Philostratus from fear. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.70. 9:319)
  46. Young Antony or Antyllas was the older of the two sons Antony had by Fulvia and he was betrothed to Caesar's daughter, Julia. Although he fled into a shrine that Cleopatra had made for his honour, Caesar took him from the image of Julius and killed him after he made many fruitless prayers. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.71. 9:319; Suetonius, in Octavio. c.17.; *Dio, l.51. 6:43; Orosius, l.6. c.19.) As the soldiers beheaded him, Theodorus his school teacher who betrayed him, took from his neck a most precious jewel and sewed it in his belt. He denied this but it was found on him and he was crucified. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.71. 9:319) Caesar ordered that Jullus, the other son of Antony by Fulvia, should receive all things in the estate. Jullus' freed men were ordered to give all things to him that dying men are commanded by the laws to leave to their heirs. (*Dio, l.51. 6:45)
  47. The children that Antony had by Cleopatra, were very honourably kept with their governors and train of servants that waited on them. Caesar saved and nourished and cherished them no less than if they had been linked in an alliance with him. (Suetonius, in Octavian; *Plutarch, Antony, c.71. 9:319)
  48. Of those that favoured Antony, Caesar executed some and pardoned others either of his own good will or by the intercession of friends. (*Dio, l.51. 6:45) Among those that were put to death was Canidius, a most bitter enemy always to Caesar and unfaithful to Antony, (Orosius, l.6. c.19.) who died most cowardly than seemed for one who bragged he was not afraid of death. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.87. 1:235) Q. Orinius also was put to death by Caesar's own command because he was a senator of the people of Rome and was not ashamed most basely to be governor to the queen's spinners and weavers. (Orosius, l.6. c.19.)
  49. Antony had many children of kings and princes. Some were kept as hostages and others by false accusations. Caesar sent some of them home and married others to each other. He kept some with him. He returned Jotape to her father, the king of the Medes, who had found asylum with him after his defeat. He did not send back Artaxas' brothers at his request because he had killed the Romans that were left behind in Armenia. (*Dio, l.51. 6:45)
  50. When he viewed the tomb [which was of glass (*Strabo, l.17. 8:37)] and the body of Alexander the Great, which was taken out of the vault, Caesar put a crown upon it and scattered flowers over it and worshipped it. As he touched the body, it was said he broke off a piece of his nose. He was asked if he wanted to see the bodies of the Ptolemy's and the Alexandrians really wanted him to see them. He refused and said that he would rather see a living king not the dead. (Suetonius, in Octavio. c.18.; *Dio, l.51. 6:45,47) For that very reason, he would not go to see Apis because he said he usually worshipped gods not oxen. (*Dio, l51 6:47)
  51. Many great kings and captains desired to bury Antony. However, Caesar would not take him from Cleopatra. She buried him in a splendid and magnificent manner. Caesar allowed her to take as much as she required for his funeral. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.72. 9:321)
  52. Through her much sorrow and grief, [for her breasts were covered with inflammations and ulcers because of the blows she had given herself,] Cleopatra had a fever which she gladly used as an excuse to stop eating so that she would die without any more trouble. She had a physician whose name was Olympas, to whom she declared the truth of the matter and used him as a councillor and assistant in her death. Olympus recorded this in his history of these events. When Caesar suspected the matter, he threatened both her and her children. She had allowed herself to become quite sick but later she allowed herself to be cured and ate properly. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.72. 9:321)
  53. Shortly after Caesar himself came to visit her and comforted her. (*Plutarch, Antony, c. 73. 9:321) She fell down at his feet and tried in vain to seduce him for her beauty was beneath the prince's chastity. Although he perceived that she intended to stir up affections in him, yet he disguised his feelings and fixed his eyes on the ground and said only this: "Woman be of good cheer, you shall have no harm done to you."
  54. She did not just request life, which Caesar promised her, but she really wanted his love and the kingdom. (*Florus. l.4. c.11. 1:327; *Dio, l.51. 6:35,37)
  55. Last of all she delivered to Caesar a list of all the treasures she had. When Seleucus, one of her treasurers accused her that she had omitted some things and had not told all, she leaped up and took him by the hair and beat him soundly. Caesar smilingly reproved her, to whom she answered: "It is not a great matter O Caesar, since you have come and visited me in this condition that I am in and to talk with me that I should be accused by my own servants as if I had reserved some jewels. These were not for myself who is a poor wretch but that I might present them to Octavia and your Lyria. I hoped that by their intercession to you that I might find more mercy and favour from you."
  56. Caesar was glad for this and hoped that now she had a mind to live. He told her that he would do this for her and also things beyond her expectations. He departed supposing that he had deceived her. In fact he was more deceived by her! (*Plutarch, Antony, c.73. 9:323,325)
  57. There was a young gentleman named Cornelius Dolabella who was a close friend of Caesar's. This man was in love with Cleopatra and at her request he told her secretly through a messenger that Caesar was to journey by land through Syria and that he was determined to send her and her children into Italy within three days. When she knew this, she desired of Caesar that he would permit her to pay her last respects to Antony. When she had done this, she put garlands upon the tomb and kissed it. Then she ordered a bath to be made for her. After she had bathed, she feasted sumptuously. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.74,75. 9:325,327)
  58. After dinner she gave Epaphroditus [to whose charge she was committed] a letter to carry to Caesar and pretended it was about some other business. The letter really contained her request to be buried with Antony. She thus excused herself and sent him on his way. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.74. 9:325; *Dio, l.51. 6:39)
  59. After Epaphroditus left, Cleopatra shut the doors and only kept with her two waiting women, Iras or Nairas, and Charmion, who usually dressed her. One of them could excellently do up her hair and the other paired her nails. Cleopatra adorned herself with her best clothes that she possibly could and in her robes. She put an asp on her left arm which she had brought to her, covered with figs, grapes, and flowers, to better deceive her guards. She died from its bite as if she were in a slumber. (*Florus, l.4. c.11. 1:327; *Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.87. 1:233; *Plutarch, Antony, c.85. 9:327; Galen., in de Theriaca ad Pisonem.; *Dio, l.51. 6:39; Eutropius, l.7.; Orosius, l.6. c.19.)
  60. Other historians note the deceptive nature of Cleopatra and doubt the power of an asp to kill so quickly. They question if she actually died from the bite of an asp. Some say that Cleopatra made in her arm a large and deep wound with her teeth, [or some other thing] and put poison into the wound which she had previously prepared from an asp. The poison was brought to her in a bone. After the poison had entered her body, she peacefully ended her life and her guards did not even know it. (Galen., in de Theriaca ad Pisonem.; *Strabo, l.17. 8:43; *Plutarch, in Antony, c.85. 6:327; *Dio, l.51. 6:39,41) There were only two little pricks found in her arm. Caesar, who saw her dead body, carried her picture with an asp attached to her arm in his triumph. (Plutarch, in Antony, c.86. 9:329; *Dio, l.51. 6:39) Horace speaks of her thus: (Horace, l.1. Ode 37.) --------So stout she could With cheerful countenance behold, Her ruined palace, asps receive, And of their poison them bereave: By delay in death more keen; Envies the Liburnians they Should she, so great a queen, In triumph lead a secret prey.
  61. When Caesar had opened Cleopatra's letters, he knew immediately what was done. At first he thought to go there himself and sent some there quickly to see what happened. They ran there as quickly as they could and found the guards standing before the door, not knowing what had happened. When they had opened the door, they found Cleopatra dead lying upon a golden bed in all her royal robes. Iras or Nairas was fallen dead at her feet and Charmium [or Charmione] was half dead and heavy headed. She was trimming the diadem that she wore. When one in anger asked her: "Is this well done, O Charmium?"
  62. She answered: "Very well and becoming to one that had sprung from so many kings."
  63. She spoke not another word but fell down there by the bedside. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.75. 9:327,329; *Dio, l.51. 6:41) When Caesar had seen Cleopatra's body, he tried all means to see if it were possible to revive her. (*Dio, l.51. 6:41) He brought in the Psylli to suck out the venom and poison but in vain. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.75. 9:327,329; *Dio, l.51. 6:41; Suetonius, in Octavio. c.17.; Orosius, l.6. c.19.)
  64. When Cleopatra was surely dead, Caesar admired and pitied her. He was very grieved and thought that he had lost the main attraction for his triumph. He ordered her body to be sumptuously and royally buried and to be laid in the same tomb with Antony. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.66. 9:329,331; *Dio, l.51. 6:41) He did this honour for them in that he had them buried in the same sepulchre and to finish the tomb which they had begun. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.17.) Caesar ordered her women attendants to be honourably buried. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.66. 9:331)
  65. Plutarch wrote that Cleopatra lived 39 years and reigned 22 which was the number of years from the death of her father, Ptolemy Auletes. Some historians, (Ptolemy, Catalogue of the Kings; Clemens Alexandrinus, l.1. Stromat.; Porphyrius in Greek Eusebius, Scaliger, p. (226).; Eusebius in Chronic.) and others assign only 21 years and two or three months. Plutarch wrote, that she reigned more than 14 years with Antony. Tertullian in his third book against the Jews stated that she reigned 13 under Augustus, calculating the start of the government of Antony from the death of Julius Caesar and of Augustus from his first consulship. From the death of Alexander the Great, who first founded the Macedonian Empire, to the death of Antony and Cleopatra, with whom it fell, both in Ptolemy [as well in the Catalogue of the Kings, as in the third book of his Great Work, as in Clemens Alexandrinus, in l.1. Stromat.) lasted 294 years. We deduce the time as 293 and a quarter years.
  66. And at this time Caesar put an end to the civilwars. (Florus, l.4. c.12. 1:327; Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.87. 1:233,235) Dionysius of Halicarnassus also confirmed in the preface of his Roman Histories that he came into Italy as soon as Augustus Caesar had put an end to the civilwars in the middle of the 187th Olympiad. This was the beginning of the third year in the month of August after Egypt was reduced under the power of the Romans and an end made to their civilwars. The words of the decree of the senate showed in Macrobius (Macrobius, Saturnal, l.1. c.12.) and Censorinus stated that the Egyptians calculated from that time in which they came under the power and government of the people of Rome, the years of the Augusti, [not of the Qewn Sebaswn, as Scaliger thought, but of Caesar Augustus, who had the dominion over them.] (Censorius, c.21. natali die.) He said this book was written by him in the Philippic year of the Augusti 268 [for thus the best copies have, it not 267] from the death of Alexander the Great, 578 years and from Nabonassar 986 years. [The beginnings of these years are taken from the first of the vage or moveable month Thoth of the Egyptians.] He agreed with Ptolemy who in the third book of his great Syntaxis, says, that there elapsed from the beginning of the reign of Nabonassar to the death of Alexander, 424Egyptian years and then to the empire of Augustus, 294 years.
  67. Therefore that Egyptian epoch began on the first day of the moveable month Thoth of the year of the Philippic account, beginning from the death of Alexander the Great, 293 years, from Nabonassar 719 years. This indeed was on the first day of the week as is found in a writing of a certain Jew, recorded at Norimberge with Messahala, namely, of the month August in 4684 JP on the 31st day, which according to the false account of leap years, that was then used at Rome, was called the 29th day of August. This was that epoch, twn apd Aulousou etnz, "of the years of Augustus", which was accommodated by Ptolemy, (Ptolemy, Synaxis, l.3. c.8.) to the moveable year of the Egyptians. Vettius Valens, an Antiochian, in Anqologwn geneQliakwn, to the form of both those years, and seeing that Augustus ruled Egypt 43 years [as Philo shows in his embassy to Caesar.] We find this also so many calculated his empire to be so long, in Ptolemy, Catalogue of the Kings, and Clemens Alexandrinus, l.1. Stromat.
  68. Cleopatra had sent her son Caesarion, who she had by Caesar the dictator, with a great sum of money through Ethiopia into India. His tutor, Rhodon persuaded him to return as if Caesar had recalled him to his mother's kingdom. As Caesar was deciding what he should do with him, they say Areius, the philosopher said to him: &&& Areius - By his advice, Octavian killed Caesarion "It is not good that Caesar's name should common be."
  69. Therefore, Caesar put him to death, after the death of his mother. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.81,82 9:321; *Dio, l.51. 6:43)
  70. The statues of Antony were thrown down but Cleopatra's were not touched. Her friend Archibilius had obtained from Caesar for the sum of 2000 talents, that they should not be thrown down as Antony's were. (*Plutarch, Antony, c.86. 9:331)
  71. In the palace there was a great amount of money found which was stored there by Cleopatra from the spoils of almost all the temples. She also exacted much from them that were guilty of any crime. Two thirds of their goods were demanded of the rest who could not be accused of any crime. All the soldiers arrears were paid and Caesar also gave 250 denarii to each of those soldiers who were with him so they would not plunder the city. Caesar also paid all his debts that he owed any man and gave many gifts to the senators and equestrians that had accompanied him in the war. (*Dio, l.51. 6:49)
  72. For this part of the year Caesar chose M. Tullius Cicero for his colleague in the consulship who was the son of Cicero the orator whom Antony murdered. Cicero read the people the letters which Caesar had sent to Rome concerning the defeat of Antony in the Alexandrian war, [not Actium, as Appian erroneously wrote.] He read the copy of them in the rostrum where his father's head and hand had been previously publicly displayed. (*Plutarch, Cicero, c.49. 7:209; *Appian, Civil War, l.4. c.4. s. 20. 4:173 c.6. s. 51. 4:229; *Dio, l.51. 6:53)
  73. This year on the September 13th [ides], we learn from the Marble Table at Capua that M. Tullius was chosen as the consulship to replace M. Licinius, (in Annal. tom. 3. p. 495.) and the same day that: "When Augustus was consul with the son of M. Cicero, he was presented with an obsidional crown [wreath] by the senate." (Pliny, l.22. c.6. 6:305)
  74. There were many crowns and processions decreed for Caesar at that time in Rome. He had also another triumph granted him for subduing the Egyptians. The day when Alexandria was taken was declared a lucky day. From that day, the inhabitants should use as the starting point in their calculations of time. Caesar was given the power of tribune all his life. He would have the power to help anyone asking for it within the pomerium or one mile beyond the walls. This was not lawful for any tribune of the people to do. (*Dio, l.51. 6:53,55)
  75. Herod wavered between love and hatred toward his wife Marriamme. He was continually incensed against her by the false accusations of his sister Salome and his mother Cyros who stirred in him hatred and jealousy against her. He may have dealt more harshly with her had not the news come very conveniently that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead and that Caesar had won Egypt. Herod hurried to meet Caesar and left his family as it was. When he left, he commended Sohemus to Mariamme, and said that he owed him much respect for the care he had for her and also gave him the government of a part of Judea. (Josephus, Antiq. l.15. c.11.)
  76. Caesar built a city in the same place where he defeated Antony and called it Nicopolis. He held the same plays which he had done for the former at Actium. (*Dio, l.51. 6:49; *Strabo, l. 17. c.10. 8:43)
  77. Caesar had organised Egypt into the form of a province so that it might be more fruitful and suitable to produce grain for the city of Rome. His soldiers scoured all those ditches where the Nile overflows and had been choked with mud for a long time. (Suetonius, in Octavio. c. 18.) He also made some new ditches. (*Dio, l.51. 6:49)
3975 AM, 4684 JP, 30 BC
  1. Herod met with Caesar in Egypt and in confidence of his friendship, he spoke freely with him and was highly honoured by him. Caesar gave him the 400 Galatians who were formerly Cleopatra's bodyguard and added to his kingdom, Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria as well as the cities of Gaza, Anthedon, Joppe, and the Strato's Tower. These additions increased the splendour of his kingdom. (*Josephus, Wars, l.1. c.15. Antiq., l.15. c.11.)
  2. Caesar did not commit the province of Egypt to the senate because of Egypt's large fickle population. It was too important because it was the source of grain for Rome and it had incredible wealth. He forbid any senators from even going to Egypt and he so distrusted the Egyptians that he forbid any Egyptian from becoming a senator. He permitted other cities to govern themselves after their own laws but he ordered the Alexandrians that they should govern the city without senators. (*Dio, l.51. 6:47)
  3. Areius, the philosopher, refused the government of Egypt although it was offered to him. (Julian, ad Themistium.) Therefore, Caesar made Cornelius Gallus, who was of lowly estate, to be governor of the province of Egypt. He was the first Roman governor that Egypt ever had. (*Strabo, l.17. 8:135; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.66.) [*Dio, l.51. 6:47) (Eutropius, l.7.; Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.) Gallus was from Forum Julium that was the one whom Virgil in the last Eclogue of his Bucolicks speaks of in that pleasant verse. (Ammianus Marcellinus, l.17. Hierony. in Chronic. 1.) To whom also there are Erotica [love verses] extant which were dedicated by Parthenius of Nice. Virgil imitated his prose in his Latin verses. (Aulus Gellius, l. 13. c.25.; Macrog. Saturnal. c.17.; Tiberius, Greek Poems; Suetonius, in Tiberius, c.70.) &&& Areius - Refused the governorship of Egypt
  4. After Caesar had settled all things in Egypt as he thought best, he went into Syria with his land forces. (*Dio, l.51. 6:49,51; Orosius, l.6. c.19.) Herod escorted him as far as Antioch. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.11.)
  5. Tiridates fled into Syria after he was defeated and Phraates, the conqueror, sent ambassadors to Caesar. Caesar gave them both a friendly answer and did not indeed promise any help to Tiridates but gave him permission to tarry in Syria. He kindly accepted Phraates' son and brought him to Rome and kept him as an hostage. (*Dio, l.51. 6:51) He was the youngest son of Phraates who through the negligence of those who kept him, was captured and stolen away according to Justin. (Justin, l.42. c.5.) However, Justin refers this event to a later time.
  6. Caesar departed from Syria. Messala [Corvinus] deceived the Cyzicenian gladiators who were allowed to live in Daphne, the suburbs of Antioch, and they were sent to various places under the pretence of being enlisted in the legions. As the occasions arose, they were killed. (*Dio, l.51. 6:23)
  7. Caesar appointed Athenodorus as governor over Tarsus in Cilicia. He was a citizen of that city and was Caesar's teacher and the son of Sandon, a Stoic philosopher. He restored the state that was corrupted by Boethius and his soldiers who domineered there even until the death of Antony. He was slandered with the following graffiti. "Work for the young men, counsels for the middle aged and flatulence for the old men".
  8. He took the inscription as a joke and ordered, "Thunder for the old men" to be written beside it. Someone who was contemptuous of all decency and afflicted with a loose bowel, profusely splattered the door and wall of Athenodorus' house. The next day he said in an assembly that they could see how low the city had sunk and how sick the state was particularly from its excrements! (*Strabo, l.14. 6:351)
  9. Caesar went into the province of Asia and made his winter quarters and settled all the affairs of his subjects. (*Dio, l.51. 6:51; Orosius, l.6. c.19.)
  10. On the first of January, Caesar entered into his fifth consulship in the island of Samos. (Suetonius, in Octavio, c.26.) On the same day, all his ordinances were confirmed by oath. At the same time that he received letters about the Parthian affairs, it was decreed, that in their songs he should be counted among their gods, a tribe should be called Julia after him, the companions of his victory should be carried in triumph with him and he should be clad with garments woven with purple and that the day when he entered Rome should be solemnized with public sacrifices and be always held sacred. (*Dio, l.51. 6:55)
  11. Caesar permitted a temple to be built at Ephesus and Nicaea, [for those were considered the most famous cities of Asia and Bithynia] and dedicated to the city of Rome and to his father Julius. These cities should be inhabited by natural Romans. He gave permission to foreigners, whom he called Greeks, that to himself [Octavian] they might build temples. That is as the Asians at Pergamos, and the Bithynians at Nicomedia. He permitted the Pergamenians to dedicate those plays, called "Sacred", in honour of his temple. (*Dio, l.51. 6:57) More is written about this by Tacitus on Tiberius in (Tacitus, Annals, l.4. c.51.) "Augustus of most famous memory did not forbid a temple to be built in Pergamos, in honour of himself and the city of Rome."
  12. The next summer, Caesar crossed over into Greece. (*Dio, l.51,6:59) on his way to his triumph for Actium. While he was at Corinth, a fisherman was sent as an ambassador to him from the island Giaros. He begged for the tribute to be reduced for they were compelled to pay 150 drachmas when they were barely able to pay 100 because the island was so poor. (*Strabo, l.10. 5:165,167)
  13. When Caesar entered Rome, others offered sacrifices [as it was decreed] and the consul Valerius Potitius [who replaced Sextus Apuleius] sacrificed publicly for the senate and people of Rome for his coming. This was never done for anyone before that time. (*Dio, l.51. 6:59) Caesar held three triumphs as he rode in his chariot. One was for the victory in Dalmatia, Actium and Alexandria. This lasted for three days, one triumph followed another. (Livy, l. 133.; Suetonius, in Octavian, c.22.) Vigil wrote this: (Vigil, Aeneid, 8.) But when thrice Rome with Caesar's triumphs now Had rung, to the Latian gods he made a vow, Three hundred temples all the city round With joy, with plays and with applauses found.
  14. Propertius wrote: (Propertius, l.2. Elegies, 1.) Whether of Egypt or Nile, whose Stream into seven channels parted goes; Or of the golden chains king's necks surround, Or how the Actian beaks sail on the ground.
  15. Caesar brought these three triumphs into the city in the month of August, as the words of the decree of the senate show. (Macrobius, Saturnal. l.1. c.12.) This was not done on January 6th [8th of ides] when he was in Asia as Orosius wrote. (Orosius, l.6. c.20.) On the first day, he triumphed for the Pannonians, Dalmatians, Japydes and their neighbours, and of some people of Gaul and Germany. On the second he triumphed for his victory at sea at Actium and on the third for the conquest of Egypt. The last triumph was the most costly and magnificent and he made more preparation for it than all the rest. In it was carried in a bed the effigy of Cleopatra, [with an asp biting her arm] showing how she died. Her children by Antony, were led among the captives. They were Alexander and Cleopatra who were named the "sun" and "moon." (*Dio, l. 51. 6:61,63)
  16. Alexander, the brother of Jamblichus, the king of the Arabians was captured in the Actian war and was led in triumph and later put to death. (*Dio, l.51. 6:7) The Cleopatra who was called the "moon" and led in triumph, was given in marriage to Juba, [who himself was led in triumph by Julius Caesar.] Caesar gave this Juba who was brought up in Italy and had followed his wars, both this Cleopatra, and his father's kingdom of Maurusia. He gave to them also the two sons of Antony and Cleopatra, namely Alexander and Ptolemy, but Juba had another son by his wife Cleopatra whom he called Ptolemy and who succeeded him in his kingdom. (*Dio, l.51,6:43; *Strabo, l.17. 8:169; Plutarch, Caesar; *Plutarch, Antony, c.87. 9:331)
  17. On August 26th, [5th of the calends of September], there an altar was dedicated to "Victory" in the courthouse, as is found noted in the old marble calendar. (Gruter, Inscript. p. (133).) It was placed in the Julian courthouse and decorated with the spoils of Egypt. Caesar showed that he got the empire by goddess "Victory". He hung in the temple of his father Julius, the dedicated things which came from the Egyptian spoils. He also consecrated many things to Jupiter Capitolinus, Juno and Minerva. By a decree of the senate, all the ornaments which were hung up there previously, were removed as being defiled. (*Dio, l.51. 6:63) He repaired the temple which was in a state of decay through age or consumed by fire. He adorned both them and others with very rich gifts. He brought into the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus one donation of 16,000 pounds of gold besides pearls and precious stones valued at 50,000,000 sesterces. (*Suetonius, in Octavian) Rome was so much enriched with the wealth of Alexandria so that the price of goods and other valuable things doubled and the interest rate fell from 12% to 4%. (*Dio, l.51. 6:61,63; Orosius, l.6. c.19.)
  18. In the fifth consulship, Caesar accepted the name of "Emperor", not such as was usually given according to the old custom for some victory, [for that he had often received both before and after] but by which all the whole government was saved. This was previously decreed to his father Julius and descendants. (*Dio. l.52. 6:187,189) This inscription was placed this year in honour of Caesar: "Senatus Poplusque Romanus Imp. Caesari Divi Julii F. Cos. Quinct. Design. Sex. Imper. Sept. Regublica conservata." "The senate and people to the emperor Caesar, the son of Julius of blessed memory, consul the fifth time, elected the sixth time Imperator the seventh for having saved the commonwealth." (Gruter, Inscript., p. 126.)
  19. Among the captives was Diocles Phaenix, the son of Artimidorus, the scholar of Tyrannio Amisenus and captured by Lucullus, [from whom he also was called Tyrannio.] Diocles was bought by Dimantis, a freed man of Caesar's, and was given to Terentia the wife of Cicero, [who as appears from Pliny (*Pliny l.7. c.48. 2:613) and Valerius Maximus (Valerius Maximus, l. 8. c.13.) lived more than 103 years.] He was freed by her and taught at Rome and wrote 68 books. (Suidas, in Voc. Turaptwn.)
3976 AM, 4685 JP, 29 BC
  1. Caesar summoned Antiochus of Commagene before him because he had treacherously killed an ambassador of his brother's who was sent to Rome. Antiochus had a law suit with his brother. Antiochus was brought before the senate and was condemned and executed. (Dio, l.52. 6:191)
  2. An whole year after Herod returned from Caesar, his suspicions daily increased between him and his wife Mariamme. She avoided her husband's caresses and moreover always upbraided him with the death either of her grandfather [Hyrcanus] or her brother [Aristobulus] so that Herod could barely restrain himself from striking her. When his sister, Salome heard the noise, she was greatly disturbed and sent in the butler who long before that time was prepared by her, who should tell the king that he was solicited by Mariamme, to deliver to him a love potion which whatever it was he had gotten from her. Thereupon, Herod examined the most faithful servant of Mariamme by torture because he knew that she would do nothing without his knowledge. He could not endure the torments and confessed nothing except that she was offended for some things that Sohemus had told her. When the king heard this, he cried out that Sohemus who had always been most faithful both to him and the kingdom, would never have spoken of these things unless there had not been some more secret friendship between them. Thereupon he ordered Sohemus to be apprehended and put to death. He called a council of his friends and accused his wife for planning to poison him. He used such sharp words that those who were present easily knew that the king intended that she should be condemned. Hence, she was condemned by the general consent of them all. When as they thought that she should not be quickly executed but detained in one of the king's citadels, Salome urged on the king exceedingly that she should be immediately killed. She feared that there might be some revolt among the people if she were alive and in prison. Thus was Mariamme executed. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.11.)
  3. Her mother, Alexander, saw this and realised she could expect the same treatment from Herod. To clear herself of the same crime, she upbraided her daughter before everyone and called her most wicked and ungrateful towards her husband and that she deserved such a death who dared do such an heinous act. While she pretended these things and though she would pull her daughter by the hair, those present condemned her hypocrisy very much. Her daughter did not reply but repelled the false accusation with a resolute countenance and mind and underwent her death without fear. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.11.)
  4. After she was executed, Herod began to be more inflamed with love for her. He often called her name and lamented her beyond all decency. Although he tried to forget her by seeking pleasure in feasting and drinking, yet nothing worked. Therefore he forgot about the government of his kingdom and was so overcome with grief that he would ask his servants to call "Mariamme", as though she were alive. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.11.)
  5. As Herod was thus affected, there came a plague which killed a large number of the people and nobility. All men thought that this plague was sent for the unjust death of the queen. This just increased the king's depression and he finally hid himself in a solitary wilderness under pretence of hunting. He afflicting himself and succumbed to a serious inflammation and pain of the neck so that he began to rave. None of the remedies relieved him but rather made the disease more painful so that they began to despair for his life. The physicians let him eat whatever he wanted because the disease was so serious and he was in so great a danger of dying anyway. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c.11.)
  6. As Herod was sick in Samaria, Alexandra, at Jerusalem, tried to capture the two citadels of the city. One was joined to the temple and the other was located within the city. Therefore she plied with their governors that they would deliver them to her and to the children of Mariamme lest if Herod die, they would be seized by others. Those who had formerly been faithful, were now more diligent in their office, because they hated Alexandra and thought it a great offence to despair of the health of their prince. These men were the king's old friends and one of them, Archialus, was the king's nephew. Thereupon they presently sent messengers to Herod to tell him of Alexandra's actions and he soon ordered her to be killed. Finally, he overcame his disease and was restored to his strength, both of body and mind. However, he had grown so cruel that for the least cause, he was ready to put anyone to death. (Josephus, Antiq., l.15. c. 11.)
  7. The three times Octavian had a census the people are noted by Suetonius. (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.27.) That the first were made in the lustran, that is, in the year that they calculated for the beginning of the five years when he and M. Agrippa were consuls. This is shown from the marble Capuan table. (tom. 3. Annal. Pighii. p. 495.) "In my sixth consulship, with my colleague M. Agrippa, I numbered the people and I made another census after 41 years."
  8. [That is from the censorships of Cn. Lentulus and L. Gellius after whom the musters were laid aside.] "In the census Rome had forty hundred thousand and sixty three thousand citizens."
  9. That (Isaiah 4,063,000) for which Eusebius in his Chronicle has 4,164,000.
  10. Caesar held the plays that were decreed for the victory at Actium, with his wife, Agrippa. In these he showed men and boys from the patricians fighting on horseback. This was held every four years and were committed to the four orders of the priests to arrange. These were the chief priests, augurs, septemviri and quindecemviri. (*Dio, l.53. 6:195)
  11. In the 178th Olympiad, Thebes in Egypt was razed even to the ground, [as is read in the Eusebian Chronicle], by Cornelius Gallus. Georgius Syncellus in his Chronicle from Julius Africanus stated that Gallus defeated the cities of the rebellious Egyptians. (Syncellus, p. 308.) He recovered with a few men, Heropolis which had revolted. He very suddenly put down a revolt that was raised about taxes. (*Strabo, l.17. 8:135,137) He exhausted the city by intercepting many of them. (*Ammianus Marcellinus, l.17. c.4. s. 5. 1:319) He erected statues for himself almost all over Egypt and wrote his own acts on the pyramides. (*Dio, l.53. 6:255)
3977 AM, 4687 JP, 27 BC
  1. When Caesar was consul for the seventh time, he read a speech in the senate and said that he would resign his government and turn it over to the senate and people. When he had ended his speech, many spoke and desired that he alone would take the whole administration of the government upon him. Finally, they convinced him to assume the whole government. (*Dio, l. 53. 6:171,217,219) He did this on the January 7th [7th of ides] as is shown from the Marble tables of Narbo. (Gruter, Inscriptions, p. 229.)
  2. Caesar had the empire confirmed on him by this means from the senate and the people. To appear democratic, he took upon him the empire but he said he would be very careful of the public affairs because they required the care of one that would be diligent. He positively said that he would not govern all the provinces or that he would govern them for ever that which he had now taken on to govern. Therefore he restored to the senate, the weaker provinces because they were the more peaceable. He retained the stronger provinces where there was more danger or had enemies close by or that were likely to have seditions. He did this under this pretence that the senate might safely govern the best parts of the empire and he would assume the harder more dangerous provinces. This was merely a pretence to make them disarmed and unfit for war and thus he won both the arms and the solders to his side. For this reason, Africa, Numidia, Asia and Greece, with Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicily, Crete, Libya, Cyrene, Bithynia, with Pontus adjoining, Sardinia, and Hispania Baetica were assigned to the senate. Caesar governed the rest of Spain, all Gaul, Germany, Coelosyria, Cilicia, Cyprus and Egypt. Caesar assumed this government over the provinces for ten year's time, within which time he promised himself he should easily reduce them to order. He added this also in a bragging way, like a young man, that if he could subdue them in a shorter time then he could sooner hand them over to the senate to manage as well. He then made patricians the governors over all the provinces. However, he appointed a man over Egypt who was not a senator but an equestrian for the reasons stated previously. He gave Africa and Asia, particularly to the senators and he assigned all the rest of the provinces to those who had been praetors. He forbad that they should receive by lot any provinces until the fifth year after they had held an office in the city. (*Dio, l.53. 6:219-229)
  3. Upon the 13th [ides] of January, the provinces were allocated as Ovid notes. Thus speaking about Caesar Germanicus. (Ovid, Fasti, l.1) On the Ides the half-man priest in Jove's great feign Offers the entrails of a sheep with flame, Then all the province came to us, and then Thy grandsire was Augustus named among men.
  4. For on the same day, Caesar received the title of Augustus. Censorinus (Censorinus, de die Natali) showed this was done the fourth day later, in these words: "On the sixteenth day before the calends of February [January 15th] the Emperor Caesar, the son of him of blessed memory, by the opinion of L. Munacius Plancus, was greeted Augustus by the senate and the rest of the citizens. He was consul for the 7th time and M. Vipsanius Agrippa was the other consul, for the 3rd time."
  5. When Caesar had settled all things and organised the provinces into a certain form, he was surnamed Augustus. (Livy, l.134.) This name was given him in his seventh consulship, (*Dio, l.53. 6:235) and by the request of Plancus with the consent of the whole senate and people of Rome. (*Velleius Paterculus, l.2. c.91. 1:243) Suetonius wrote: (Suetonius, in Octavian, c.7.) "The opinion of Munacius Plancus prevailed that Caesar should be called Augustus, [though some were of opinion that he should be called Romulus, as if he also had been a founder of the city] not only because it was a new but also a more honourable name. The religious places and where anything is consecrated by the flying of birds, are called "Augusta", of growing or from the gesture or feeding of birds as also Ennius on writing about this:" "After that noble Rome was built by sacred flight of birds."
  6. Florus stated: (*Florus, l.4. 1:351) "It was also debated in the senate whether he should be called Romulus because he had founded the empire. However, the name Augustus seemed to be the more holy and venerable so that while he now lived on earth, he might be as it were deified by the name itself and title."
  7. Dio said many similar things and notes that he was called "Augustus" by the Romans and by the Greeks from the splendour of his dignity and sanctity of the honour which was greater than human. (*Dio, l.53. 6:235) cf. (Acts 25): 21,25 17:23; (2 Thessalonians 2:4)] Ovid added: (Ovid, Fasti, l. 1.) All common persons have their common fame, But he with Jove enjoys an equal name, Of old most sacred things, Augusta were: Temples that name and hallowed things do bear: Yea augury depends upon this word, And whatever more Jove does afford: Let it enlarge his rule and live let all, Our coast, be guarded by a fenced wall.
  8. By this means the whole power of the people and senate was conferred upon Augustus. (*Dio, l.53. 6:235) This name was previously held sacred and until now such as that not any governor dared take it upon himself. He assumed so large a title for the usurped empire of the world. From that day its whole commonwealth and government began to be and to remain in the possession of one man. The Greeks call this a monarchy. (Orosius, l.6. c.20.) The Romans began their epoch of their Augustus from the first of January. Censorinus (Censorinus, de natali die) compares the 265th year of this account with the 283rd of the Julian account. He in the next chapter puts the consulship of Marcius Censorinus and Asinius Gallus on the twentieth year of Augustus which was the 38th of the Julian account [from Julius Caesar's calendar reform].
  9. Tralles a City in Asia was destroyed by an earthquake. The gymnasium collapsed and it was later rebuilt by Caesar. (Eusebius, Chronic; *Strabo, l.12. c.18. 5:517)
3978 AM, 4688 JP, 26 BC
  1. Costabarus the Idumaean and his wife Salome the sister of Herod had a disagreement. She, contrary to the custom of the Jews, sent him a bill of divorce and went to her brother Herod and told him that she preferred her brother's goodwill ahead of her marriage. She said that Costabarus was plotting seditions with Lysimachus, Antipater and Dositheus. To make her story more credible, she said that he had secretly kept and guarded within his country, Bebas' children for twelve years now from the time of the taking of Jerusalem by Herod. All this was done without the knowledge and good will of the king. As soon as Herod knew, he sent some men to their hiding places and killed them along with as many as were accomplices in crime. He did this so all of Hyrcanus' family would be killed. He removed any threat to the throne so there would be no one to resist him. (Josephus, l.15. c.11. )
  2. Herod became more secure and departed more and more from his country's customs. He violated them with new institutions. First of all, he instituted wrestling every fifth year in honour of Caesar. To hold this, he began to build a theatre in Jerusalem and an amphitheatre in the plain. Both were of sumptuous workmanship but direct violations of Jewish customs. There was no Jewish tradition for these shows however he wanted this observed and to be proclaimed to the countries around him as well as to the foreign countries. He offered large prizes and he invited skilled wrestlers and excellent musicians along with those that played on instruments. Nothing bothered the Jews so much as the trophies which were covered with armour and they thought them to be images which were forbidden them by their law. To appease them, Herod ordered the ornaments to be removed and showed them that the trophies were merely wooden poles. After this was done all their anger was turned into laughter. (Josephus, l.15. c.11. )
  4. Cornelius Gallus spoke many things with much vanity against Augustus. (*Dio, l.53. 6:255) Ovid (Ovid, Tristium, l.2.) that was written for Augustus himself, stated: To court Lycoris was not Gallus' shame, But he when lisped by drink defiled his name.
  5. Augustus noted his infamy and forbid him his house and to live within any of the provinces because he was so ungrateful and malevolent. Gallus was also accused of robbery, pillaging the provinces and of many other crimes first by Valerius Largus who was a most wicked man and his associate and friend. Later many others accused him who previously had flattered Gallus. They left him when they saw Largus become more powerful. It was decreed by the whole senate that Gallus was guilty and should be banished. All his goods should be confiscated for Augustus and because of this, the senate would offer sacrifices. Gallus was not able to handle his grief and feared that the nobility were highly incensed against him to whom the care of this business was committed. He fell upon his own sword and by his suicide, he prevented his condemnation. Gallus was forced to kill himself by the testimony of accusers and by the decree of the senate. Augustus indeed praised their love toward him for being so displeased for his sake. In spite of this, Augustus wept and bewailed his own misfortune that he alone could not be angry with his friends as much as he was with himself. (*Suetonius, in Octavian, c.66.; *Dio, l.53. 6:255; Ammianus Marcellinus l.17.; Jerome, in Chronicles; 5325). Petronius was appointed the new governor to replace Gallus in Egypt. He withstood the charge of a number of the Alexandrians who threw stones at him with only his bodyguards. He killed some of them and subdued the rest. (*Strabo, l.17. 8:137)
  6. Polemon, the king of Pontus was included among the allies and confederates of the people of Rome. The senators were given the privilege of having the front seats in the theatres throughout his whole kingdom. (*Dio. l.53. 6:257) It seems that from him Pontus took the name of Polemoniacus. (Justin, Novella, 8.)